THE PUBLISHER TO THE READER.
[As given in the original edition.]
The author of these Travels, Mr. Lemuel Gulliver, is my ancient and
intimate friend; there is likewise some relation between us on the mother's
side. About three years ago, Mr. Gulliver growing weary of the
concourse of curious people coming to him at his house in Redriff, made a
small purchase of land, with a convenient house, near Newark, in
Nottinghamshire, his native country; where he now lives retired, yet in good
esteem among his neighbours.
Although Mr. Gulliver was born in Nottinghamshire, where his father
dwelt, yet I have heard him say his family came from Oxfordshire; to confirm
which, I have observed in the churchyard at Banbury in that county, several
tombs and monuments of the Gullivers.
Before he quitted Redriff, he left the custody of the following papers
in my hands, with the liberty to dispose of them as I should think fit.
I have carefully perused them three times. The style is very plain and
simple; and the only fault I find is, that the author, after the manner of
travellers, is a little too circumstantial. There is an air of truth
apparent through the whole; and indeed the author was so distinguished for
his veracity, that it became a sort of proverb among his neighbours at
Redriff, when any one affirmed a thing, to say, it was as true as if Mr.
Gulliver had spoken it.
By the advice of several worthy persons, to whom, with the author's
permission, I communicated these papers, I now venture to send them into the
world, hoping they may be, at least for some time, a better entertainment to
our young noblemen, than the common scribbles of politics and party.
This volume would have been at least twice as large, if I had not made
bold to strike out innumerable passages relating to the winds and tides, as
well as to the variations and bearings in the several voyages, together with
the minute descriptions of the management of the ship in storms, in the style
of sailors; likewise the account of longitudes and latitudes; wherein I
have reason to apprehend, that Mr. Gulliver may be a
little dissatisfied. But I was resolved to fit the work as much
as possible to the general capacity of readers. However, if my
own ignorance in sea affairs shall have led me to commit some mistakes, I
alone am answerable for them. And if any traveller hath a curiosity to see
the whole work at large, as it came from the hands of the author, I will be
ready to gratify him.
As for any further particulars relating to the author, the reader will
receive satisfaction from the first pages of the book.
RICHARD SYMPSON.
A LETTER FROM CAPTAIN GULLIVER TO HIS COUSIN SYMPSON.
WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1727.
I hope you will be ready to own publicly, whenever you shall be called
to it, that by your great and frequent urgency you prevailed on me to publish
a very loose and uncorrect account of my travels, with directions to hire
some young gentleman of either university to put them in order, and correct
the style, as my cousin Dampier did, by my advice, in his book called "A
Voyage round the world." But I do not remember I gave you power to consent
that any thing should be omitted, and much less that any thing should be
inserted; therefore, as to the latter, I do here renounce every thing of that
kind; particularly a paragraph about her majesty Queen Anne, of most pious
and glorious memory; although I did reverence and esteem her more than any of
human species. But you, or your interpolator, ought to
have considered, that it was not my inclination, so was it not decent to
praise any animal of our composition before my master HOUYHNHNM: And
besides, the fact was altogether false; for to my knowledge, being in England
during some part of her majesty's reign, she did govern by a chief minister;
nay even by two successively, the first whereof was the lord of Godolphin,
and the second the lord of Oxford; so that you have made me say the thing
that was not. Likewise in the account of the academy of projectors, and
several passages of my discourse to my master HOUYHNHNM, you have either
omitted some material circumstances, or minced or changed them in such a
manner, that I do hardly know my own work. When I formerly hinted to
you something of this in a letter, you were pleased to answer that you were
afraid of giving offence; that people in power were very watchful over
the press, and apt not only to interpret, but to punish every thing which
looked like an INNUENDO (as I think you call it). But, pray how could
that which I spoke so many years ago, and at about five thousand leagues
distance, in another reign, be applied to any of the YAHOOS, who now are said
to govern the herd; especially at a time when I little thought, or feared,
the unhappiness of living under them? Have not I the most reason
to complain, when I see these very YAHOOS carried by HOUYHNHNMS in
a vehicle, as if they were brutes, and those the rational creatures?
And indeed to avoid so monstrous and detestable a sight was one principal
motive of my retirement hither.
Thus much I thought proper to tell you in relation to yourself, and to
the trust I reposed in you.
I do, in the next place, complain of my own great want of judgment, in
being prevailed upon by the entreaties and false reasoning of you and some
others, very much against my own opinion, to suffer my travels to be
published. Pray bring to your mind how often I desired you to consider,
when you insisted on the motive of public good, that the YAHOOS were a
species of animals utterly incapable of amendment by precept or example:
and so it has proved; for, instead of seeing a full stop put to all
abuses and corruptions, at least in this little island, as I had reason to
expect; behold, after above six months warning, I cannot learn that my book
has produced one single effect according to my intentions. I desired
you would let me know, by a letter, when party and faction were extinguished;
judges learned and upright; pleaders honest and modest, with some tincture
of common sense, and Smithfield blazing with pyramids of law books; the young
nobility's education entirely changed; the physicians banished; the female
YAHOOS abounding in virtue, honour, truth, and good sense; courts and levees
of great ministers thoroughly weeded and swept; wit, merit, and
learning rewarded; all disgracers of the press in prose and
verse condemned to eat nothing but their own cotton, and quench
their thirst with their own ink. These, and a thousand
other reformations, I firmly counted upon by your encouragement; as indeed
they were plainly deducible from the precepts delivered in my book. And
it must be owned, that seven months were a sufficient time to correct every
vice and folly to which YAHOOS are subject, if their natures had been capable
of the least disposition to virtue or wisdom. Yet, so far have you been
from answering my expectation in any of your letters; that on the contrary
you are loading our carrier every week with libels, and keys, and
reflections, and memoirs, and second parts; wherein I see myself accused of
reflecting upon great state folk; of degrading human nature (for so they have
still the confidence to style it), and of abusing the female sex. I
find likewise that the writers of those bundles are not agreed among
themselves; for some of them will not allow me to be the author of my
own travels; and others make me author of books to which I am wholly a
stranger.
I find likewise that your printer has been so careless as to confound
the times, and mistake the dates, of my several voyages and returns; neither
assigning the true year, nor the true month, nor day of the month: and
I hear the original manuscript is all destroyed since the publication of my
book; neither have I any copy left: however, I have sent you some
corrections, which you may insert, if ever there should be a second
edition: and yet I cannot stand to them; but shall leave that matter to
my judicious and candid readers to adjust it as they please.
I hear some of our sea YAHOOS find fault with my sea-language, as not
proper in many parts, nor now in use. I cannot help it. In my
first voyages, while I was young, I was instructed by the oldest mariners,
and learned to speak as they did. But I have since found that the sea
YAHOOS are apt, like the land ones, to become new-fangled in their words,
which the latter change every year; insomuch, as I remember upon each return
to my own country their old dialect was so altered, that I could hardly
understand the new. And I observe, when any YAHOO comes from London out
of curiosity to visit me at my house, we neither of us are able to deliver
our conceptions in a manner intelligible to the other.
If the censure of the YAHOOS could any way affect me, I should have
great reason to complain, that some of them are so bold as to think my book
of travels a mere fiction out of mine own brain, and have gone so far as to
drop hints, that the HOUYHNHNMS and YAHOOS have no more existence than the
inhabitants of Utopia.
Indeed I must confess, that as to the people of LILLIPUT, BROBDINGRAG
(for so the word should have been spelt, and not erroneously BROBDINGNAG),
and LAPUTA, I have never yet heard of any YAHOO so presumptuous as to dispute
their being, or the facts I have related concerning them; because the truth
immediately strikes every reader with conviction. And is there
less probability in my account of the HOUYHNHNMS or YAHOOS, when it
is manifest as to the latter, there are so many thousands even in this
country, who only differ from their brother brutes in HOUYHNHNMLAND, because
they use a sort of jabber, and do not go naked? I wrote for their
amendment, and not their approbation. The united praise of the whole race
would be of less consequence to me, than the neighing of those two degenerate
HOUYHNHNMS I keep in my stable; because from these, degenerate as they are,
I still improve in some virtues without any mixture of vice.
Do these miserable animals presume to think, that I am so degenerated as
to defend my veracity? YAHOO as I am, it is well known through all
HOUYHNHNMLAND, that, by the instructions and example of my illustrious
master, I was able in the compass of two years (although I confess with the
utmost difficulty) to remove that infernal habit of lying, shuffling,
deceiving, and equivocating, so deeply rooted in the very souls of all
my species; especially the Europeans.
I have other complaints to make upon this vexatious occasion; but I
forbear troubling myself or you any further. I must freely confess,
that since my last return, some corruptions of my YAHOO nature have revived
in me by conversing with a few of your species, and particularly those of my
own family, by an unavoidable necessity; else I should never have attempted
so absurd a project as that of reforming the YAHOO race in
this kingdom: But I have now done with all such visionary schemes
for ever.
APRIL 2, 1727
PART I. A VOYAGE TO LILLIPUT.
CHAPTER I.
[The author gives some account of himself and family. His
first inducements to travel. He is shipwrecked, and swims for
his life. Gets safe on shore in the country of Lilliput; is made
a prisoner, and carried up the country.]
My father had a small estate in Nottinghamshire: I was the
third of five sons. He sent me to Emanuel College in Cambridge
at fourteen years old, where I resided three years, and applied myself
close to my studies; but the charge of maintaining me, although I had a very
scanty allowance, being too great for a narrow fortune, I was bound
apprentice to Mr. James Bates, an eminent surgeon in London, with whom I
continued four years. My father now and then sending me small sums of
money, I laid them out in learning navigation, and other parts of the
mathematics, useful to those who intend to travel, as I always believed
it would be, some time or other, my fortune to do. When I left
Mr. Bates, I went down to my father: where, by the assistance of
him and my uncle John, and some other relations, I got forty pounds, and a
promise of thirty pounds a year to maintain me at Leyden: there I studied
physic two years and seven months, knowing it would be useful in long
voyages.
Soon after my return from Leyden, I was recommended by my good master,
Mr. Bates, to be surgeon to the Swallow, Captain Abraham Pannel, commander;
with whom I continued three years and a half, making a voyage or two into the
Levant, and some other parts. When I came back I resolved to settle in
London; to which Mr. Bates, my master, encouraged me, and by him I was
recommended to several patients. I took part of a small house in the
Old Jewry; and being advised to alter my condition, I married Mrs.
Mary Burton, second daughter to Mr. Edmund Burton, hosier,
in Newgate-street, with whom I received four hundred pounds for
a portion.
But my good master Bates dying in two years after, and I having few
friends, my business began to fail; for my conscience would not suffer me to
imitate the bad practice of too many among my brethren. Having
therefore consulted with my wife, and some of my acquaintance, I determined
to go again to sea. I was surgeon successively in two ships, and made
several voyages, for six years, to the East and West Indies, by which I got
some addition to my fortune. My hours of leisure I spent in reading the
best authors, ancient and modern, being always provided with a good number
of books; and when I was ashore, in observing the manners and dispositions of
the people, as well as learning their language; wherein I had a great
facility, by the strength of my memory.
The last of these voyages not proving very fortunate, I grew weary of
the sea, and intended to stay at home with my wife and family. I removed from
the Old Jewry to Fetter Lane, and from thence to Wapping, hoping to get
business among the sailors; but it would not turn to account. After
three years expectation that things would mend, I accepted an advantageous
offer from Captain William Prichard, master of the Antelope, who was making a
voyage to the South Sea. We set sail from Bristol, May 4, 1699, and
our voyage was at first very prosperous.
It would not be proper, for some reasons, to trouble the reader with the
particulars of our adventures in those seas; let it suffice to inform him,
that in our passage from thence to the East Indies, we were driven by a
violent storm to the north-west of Van Diemen's Land. By an
observation, we found ourselves in the latitude of 30 degrees 2 minutes
south. Twelve of our crew were dead by immoderate labour and ill food;
the rest were in a very weak condition. On the 5th of November, which
was the beginning of summer in those parts, the weather being very
hazy, the seamen spied a rock within half a cable's length of the
ship; but the wind was so strong, that we were driven directly upon
it, and immediately split. Six of the crew, of whom I was
one, having let down the boat into the sea, made a shift to get clear of
the ship and the rock. We rowed, by my computation, about three
leagues, till we were able to work no longer, being already spent with labour
while we were in the ship. We therefore trusted ourselves to the mercy
of the waves, and in about half an hour the boat was overset by a sudden
flurry from the north. What became of my companions in the boat, as well as
of those who escaped on the rock, or were left in the vessel, I cannot
tell; but conclude they were all lost. For my own part, I swam
as fortune directed me, and was pushed forward by wind and tide.
I often let my legs drop, and could feel no bottom; but when I was almost
gone, and able to struggle no longer, I found myself within my depth; and by
this time the storm was much abated. The declivity was so small, that I
walked near a mile before I got to the shore, which I conjectured was about
eight o'clock in the evening. I then advanced forward near half a mile,
but could not discover any sign of houses or inhabitants; at least I was in
so weak a condition, that I did not observe them. I was
extremely tired, and with that, and the heat of the weather, and about
half a pint of brandy that I drank as I left the ship, I found myself much
inclined to sleep. I lay down on the grass, which was very short and
soft, where I slept sounder than ever I remembered to have done in my life,
and, as I reckoned, about nine hours; for when I awaked, it was just
day-light. I attempted to rise, but was not able to stir: for, as
I happened to lie on my back, I found my arms and legs were strongly fastened
on each side to the ground; and my hair, which was long and thick, tied down
in the same manner. I likewise felt several slender ligatures across
my body, from my arm-pits to my thighs. I could only look
upwards; the sun began to grow hot, and the light offended my eyes.
I heard a confused noise about me; but in the posture I lay, could see
nothing except the sky. In a little time I felt something alive moving
on my left leg, which advancing gently forward over my breast, came almost up
to my chin; when, bending my eyes downwards as much as I could, I perceived
it to be a human creature not six inches high, with a bow and arrow in his
hands, and a quiver at his back. In the mean time, I felt at
least forty more of the same kind (as I conjectured) following the first.
I was in the utmost astonishment, and roared so loud, that they all ran back
in a fright; and some of them, as I was afterwards told, were hurt with the
falls they got by leaping from my sides upon the ground. However, they
soon returned, and one of them, who ventured so far as to get a full sight of
my face, lifting up his hands and eyes by way of admiration, cried out in
a shrill but distinct voice, HEKINAH DEGUL: the others repeated the
same words several times, but then I knew not what they meant. I lay
all this while, as the reader may believe, in great uneasiness. At
length, struggling to get loose, I had the fortune to break the strings, and
wrench out the pegs that fastened my left arm to the ground; for, by lifting
it up to my face, I discovered the methods they had taken to bind me, and
at the same time with a violent pull, which gave me excessive pain, I a
little loosened the strings that tied down my hair on the left side, so that
I was just able to turn my head about two inches. But the creatures ran
off a second time, before I could seize them; whereupon there was a great
shout in a very shrill accent, and after it ceased I heard one of them cry
aloud TOLGO PHONAC; when in an instant I felt above a hundred
arrows discharged on my left hand, which, pricked me like so many needles;
and besides, they shot another flight into the air, as we do bombs in Europe,
whereof many, I suppose, fell on my body, (though I felt them not), and some
on my face, which I immediately covered with my left hand. When this
shower of arrows was over, I fell a groaning with grief and pain; and
then striving again to get loose, they discharged another volley larger
than the first, and some of them attempted with spears to stick me in the
sides; but by good luck I had on a buff jerkin, which they could not
pierce. I thought it the most prudent method to lie still, and my
design was to continue so till night, when, my left hand being already loose,
I could easily free myself: and as for the inhabitants, I had reason to
believe I might be a match for the greatest army they could bring
against me, if they were all of the same size with him that I saw.
But fortune disposed otherwise of me. When the people observed I
was quiet, they discharged no more arrows; but, by the noise I heard, I
knew their numbers increased; and about four yards from me, over against my
right ear, I heard a knocking for above an hour, like that of people at work;
when turning my head that way, as well as the pegs and strings would permit
me, I saw a stage erected about a foot and a half from the ground, capable
of holding four of the inhabitants, with two or three ladders to mount it:
from whence one of them, who seemed to be a person of quality, made me a long
speech, whereof I understood not one syllable. But I should have
mentioned, that before the principal person began his oration, he cried out
three times, LANGRO DEHUL SAN (these words and the former were afterwards
repeated and explained to me); whereupon, immediately, about fifty of
the inhabitants came and cut the strings that fastened the left side of my
head, which gave me the liberty of turning it to the right, and of observing
the person and gesture of him that was to speak.
He appeared to be of a middle age, and taller than any of the other
three who attended him, whereof one was a page that held up his train, and
seemed to be somewhat longer than my middle finger; the other two stood one
on each side to support him. He acted every part of an orator, and I
could observe many periods of threatenings, and others of promises, pity, and
kindness. I answered in a few words, but in the most submissive
manner, lifting up my left hand, and both my eyes to the sun, as
calling him for a witness; and being almost famished with hunger,
having not eaten a morsel for some hours before I left the ship, I
found the demands of nature so strong upon me, that I could not
forbear showing my impatience (perhaps against the strict rules
of decency) by putting my finger frequently to my mouth, to signify that I
wanted food. The HURGO (for so they call a great lord, as I afterwards
learnt) understood me very well. He descended from the stage, and
commanded that several ladders should be applied to my sides, on which above
a hundred of the inhabitants mounted and walked towards my mouth, laden with
baskets full of meat, which had been provided and sent thither by the king's
orders, upon the first intelligence he received of me. I observed
there was the flesh of several animals, but could not distinguish them by
the taste. There were shoulders, legs, and loins, shaped like those of
mutton, and very well dressed, but smaller than the wings of a lark. I
ate them by two or three at a mouthful, and took three loaves at a time,
about the bigness of musket bullets.
They supplied me as fast as they could, showing a thousand marks of
wonder and astonishment at my bulk and appetite. I then made another
sign, that I wanted drink. They found by my eating that a small
quantity would not suffice me; and being a most ingenious people, they slung
up, with great dexterity, one of their largest hogsheads, then rolled it
towards my hand, and beat out the top; I drank it off at a draught, which I
might well do, for it did not hold half a pint, and tasted like a small wine
of Burgundy, but much more delicious. They brought me a second
hogshead, which I drank in the same manner, and made signs for more;
but they had none to give me. When I had performed these
wonders, they shouted for joy, and danced upon my breast,
repeating several times as they did at first, HEKINAH DEGUL. They made
me a sign that I should throw down the two hogsheads, but first warning
the people below to stand out of the way, crying aloud, BORACH MEVOLAH; and
when they saw the vessels in the air, there was a universal shout of HEKINAH
DEGUL. I confess I was often tempted, while they were passing backwards
and forwards on my body, to seize forty or fifty of the first that came in my
reach, and dash them against the ground. But the remembrance of what
I had felt, which probably might not be the worst they could do, and the
promise of honour I made them--for so I interpreted my submissive
behaviour--soon drove out these imaginations. Besides, I now considered
myself as bound by the laws of hospitality, to a people who had treated me
with so much expense and magnificence. However, in my thoughts I could
not sufficiently wonder at the intrepidity of these diminutive mortals,
who durst venture to mount and walk upon my body, while one of my hands was
at liberty, without trembling at the very sight of so prodigious a creature
as I must appear to them. After some time, when they observed that I made no
more demands for meat, there appeared before me a person of high rank from
his imperial majesty. His excellency, having mounted on the small
of my right leg, advanced forwards up to my face, with about a dozen of
his retinue; and producing his credentials under the signet royal, which he
applied close to my eyes, spoke about ten minutes without any signs of anger,
but with a kind of determinate resolution, often pointing forwards, which, as
I afterwards found, was towards the capital city, about half a mile
distant; whither it was agreed by his majesty in council that I must
be conveyed. I answered in few words, but to no purpose, and made
a sign with my hand that was loose, putting it to the other (but over his
excellency's head for fear of hurting him or his train) and then to my own
head and body, to signify that I desired my liberty. It appeared that
he understood me well enough, for he shook his head by way of disapprobation,
and held his hand in a posture to show that I must be carried as a
prisoner. However, he made other signs to let me understand that I
should have meat and drink enough, and very good treatment. Whereupon I
once more thought of attempting to break my bonds; but again, when I
felt the smart of their arrows upon my face and hands, which were all in
blisters, and many of the darts still sticking in them, and observing
likewise that the number of my enemies increased, I gave tokens to let them
know that they might do with me what they pleased. Upon this, the HURGO
and his train withdrew, with much civility and cheerful countenances. Soon
after I heard a general shout, with frequent repetitions of the words PEPLOM
SELAN; and I felt great numbers of people on my left side relaxing the
cords to such a degree, that I was able to turn upon my right, and to ease
myself with making water; which I very plentifully did, to the great
astonishment of the people; who, conjecturing by my motion what I was going
to do, immediately opened to the right and left on that side, to avoid the
torrent, which fell with such noise and violence from me. But before
this, they had daubed my face and both my hands with a sort of ointment, very
pleasant to the smell, which, in a few minutes, removed all the smart
of their arrows. These circumstances, added to the refreshment I had
received by their victuals and drink, which were very nourishing, disposed me
to sleep. I slept about eight hours, as I was afterwards assured; and
it was no wonder, for the physicians, by the emperor's order, had mingled a
sleepy potion in the hogsheads of wine.
It seems, that upon the first moment I was discovered sleeping on the
ground, after my landing, the emperor had early notice of it by an express;
and determined in council, that I should be tied in the manner I have
related, (which was done in the night while I slept;) that plenty of meat and
drink should be sent to me, and a machine prepared to carry me to the capital
city.
This resolution perhaps may appear very bold and dangerous, and I am
confident would not be imitated by any prince in Europe on the like
occasion. However, in my opinion, it was extremely prudent, as well as
generous: for, supposing these people had endeavoured to kill me with
their spears and arrows, while I was asleep, I should certainly have awaked
with the first sense of smart, which might so far have roused my rage and
strength, as to have enabled me to break the strings wherewith I was tied;
after which, as they were not able to make resistance, so they could expect
no mercy.
These people are most excellent mathematicians, and arrived to a great
perfection in mechanics, by the countenance and encouragement of the emperor,
who is a renowned patron of learning. This prince has several machines
fixed on wheels, for the carriage of trees and other great weights. He
often builds his largest men of war, whereof some are nine feet long, in
the woods where the timber grows, and has them carried on these engines
three or four hundred yards to the sea. Five hundred carpenters and
engineers were immediately set at work to prepare the greatest engine they
had. It was a frame of wood raised three inches from the ground, about seven
feet long, and four wide, moving upon twenty-two wheels. The shout I
heard was upon the arrival of this engine, which, it seems, set out in four
hours after my landing. It was brought parallel to me, as I lay.
But the principal difficulty was to raise and place me in
this vehicle. Eighty poles, each of one foot high, were erected
for this purpose, and very strong cords, of the bigness of packthread,
were fastened by hooks to many bandages, which the workmen had girt round my
neck, my hands, my body, and my legs. Nine hundred of the strongest men were
employed to draw up these cords, by many pulleys fastened on the poles; and
thus, in less than three hours, I was raised and slung into the engine,
and there tied fast. All this I was told; for, while the
operation was performing, I lay in a profound sleep, by the force of
that soporiferous medicine infused into my liquor. Fifteen hundred
of the emperor's largest horses, each about four inches and a half high,
were employed to draw me towards the metropolis, which, as I said, was half a
mile distant.
About four hours after we began our journey, I awaked by a
very ridiculous accident; for the carriage being stopped a while,
to adjust something that was out of order, two or three of the
young natives had the curiosity to see how I looked when I was
asleep; they climbed up into the engine, and advancing very softly to
my face, one of them, an officer in the guards, put the sharp end of his
half-pike a good way up into my left nostril, which tickled my nose like a
straw, and made me sneeze violently; whereupon they stole off unperceived,
and it was three weeks before I knew the cause of my waking so
suddenly. We made a long march the remaining part of the day, and,
rested at night with five hundred guards on each side of me, half with
torches, and half with bows and arrows, ready to shoot me if I should offer
to stir. The next morning at sunrise we continued our march, and
arrived within two hundred yards of the city gates about noon.
The emperor, and all his court, came out to meet us; but his
great officers would by no means suffer his majesty to endanger his person
by mounting on my body.
At the place where the carriage stopped there stood an ancient temple,
esteemed to be the largest in the whole kingdom; which, having been polluted
some years before by an unnatural murder, was, according to the zeal of those
people, looked upon as profane, and therefore had been applied to common use,
and all the ornaments and furniture carried away. In this edifice it
was determined I should lodge. The great gate fronting to the
north was about four feet high, and almost two feet wide, through which I
could easily creep. On each side of the gate was a small window, not above
six inches from the ground: into that on the left side, the king's
smith conveyed four-score and eleven chains, like those that hang to a lady's
watch in Europe, and almost as large, which were locked to my left leg
with six-and-thirty padlocks. Over against this temple, on the
other side of the great highway, at twenty feet distance, there was
a turret at least five feet high. Here the emperor ascended,
with many principal lords of his court, to have an opportunity of viewing
me, as I was told, for I could not see them. It was reckoned that above
a hundred thousand inhabitants came out of the town upon the same errand;
and, in spite of my guards, I believe there could not be fewer than ten
thousand at several times, who mounted my body by the help of ladders.
But a proclamation was soon issued, to forbid it upon pain of death. When
the workmen found it was impossible for me to break loose, they cut all the
strings that bound me; whereupon I rose up, with as melancholy a disposition
as ever I had in my life. But the noise and astonishment of the people,
at seeing me rise and walk, are not to be expressed. The chains that
held my left leg were about two yards long, and gave me not only the liberty
of walking backwards and forwards in a semicircle, but, being fixed
within four inches of the gate, allowed me to creep in, and lie at my full
length in the temple.
CHAPTER II.
[The emperor of Lilliput, attended by several of the nobility, comes to
see the author in his confinement. The emperor's person and habit
described. Learned men appointed to teach the author their
language. He gains favour by his mild disposition. His pockets
are searched, and his sword and pistols taken from him.]
When I found myself on my feet, I looked about me, and must confess
I never beheld a more entertaining prospect. The country around
appeared like a continued garden, and the enclosed fields, which were
generally forty feet square, resembled so many beds of flowers. These
fields were intermingled with woods of half a stang, (1) and the tallest
trees, as I could judge, appeared to be seven feet high. I viewed the
town on my left hand, which looked like the painted scene of a city in a
theatre.
I had been for some hours extremely pressed by the necessities
of nature; which was no wonder, it being almost two days since I had last
disburdened myself. I was under great difficulties between urgency and
shame. The best expedient I could think of, was to creep into my house,
which I accordingly did; and shutting the gate after me, I went as far as the
length of my chain would suffer, and discharged my body of that uneasy
load. But this was the only time I was ever guilty of so uncleanly an
action; for which I cannot but hope the candid reader will give
some allowance, after he has maturely and impartially considered my case,
and the distress I was in. From this time my constant practice was, as
soon as I rose, to perform that business in open air, at the full extent of
my chain; and due care was taken every morning before company came, that the
offensive matter should be carried off in wheel-barrows, by two servants
appointed for that purpose. I would not have dwelt so long upon a
circumstance that, perhaps, at first sight, may appear not very momentous,
if I had not thought it necessary to justify my character, in point of
cleanliness, to the world; which, I am told, some of my maligners have been
pleased, upon this and other occasions, to call in question.
When this adventure was at an end, I came back out of my house, having
occasion for fresh air. The emperor was already descended from the
tower, and advancing on horse-back towards me, which had like to have cost
him dear; for the beast, though very well trained, yet wholly unused to such
a sight, which appeared as if a mountain moved before him, reared up on its
hinder feet: but that prince, who is an excellent horseman, kept his
seat, till his attendants ran in, and held the bridle, while his majesty
had time to dismount. When he alighted, he surveyed me round
with great admiration; but kept beyond the length of my chain.
He ordered his cooks and butlers, who were already prepared, to give me
victuals and drink, which they pushed forward in a sort of vehicles upon
wheels, till I could reach them. I took these vehicles and soon emptied
them all; twenty of them were filled with meat, and ten with liquor; each of
the former afforded me two or three good mouthfuls; and I emptied the liquor
of ten vessels, which was contained in earthen vials, into one
vehicle, drinking it off at a draught; and so I did with the rest.
The empress, and young princes of the blood of both sexes, attended by
many ladies, sat at some distance in their chairs; but upon the accident that
happened to the emperor's horse, they alighted, and came near his person,
which I am now going to describe. He is taller by almost the breadth of
my nail, than any of his court; which alone is enough to strike an awe into
the beholders.
His features are strong and masculine, with an Austrian lip and arched
nose, his complexion olive, his countenance erect, his body and limbs well
proportioned, all his motions graceful, and his deportment majestic. He
was then past his prime, being twenty-eight years and three quarters old, of
which he had reigned about seven in great felicity, and generally victorious.
For the better convenience of beholding him, I lay on my side, so that my
face was parallel to his, and he stood but three yards off: however, I
have had him since many times in my hand, and therefore cannot be deceived in
the description. His dress was very plain and simple, and the fashion
of it between the Asiatic and the European; but he had on his head a light
helmet of gold, adorned with jewels, and a plume on the crest. He held
his sword drawn in his hand to defend himself, if I should happen to
break loose; it was almost three inches long; the hilt and scabbard were
gold enriched with diamonds. His voice was shrill, but very clear and
articulate; and I could distinctly hear it when I stood up. The ladies
and courtiers were all most magnificently clad; so that the spot they stood
upon seemed to resemble a petticoat spread upon the ground, embroidered with
figures of gold and silver. His imperial majesty spoke often to me, and
I returned answers: but neither of us could understand a
syllable. There were several of his priests and lawyers present (as I
conjectured by their habits), who were commanded to address themselves to
me; and I spoke to them in as many languages as I had the least smattering
of, which were High and Low Dutch, Latin, French, Spanish, Italian, and
Lingua Franca, but all to no purpose. After about two hours the court
retired, and I was left with a strong guard, to prevent the impertinence, and
probably the malice of the rabble, who were very impatient to crowd about
me as near as they durst; and some of them had the impudence to shoot
their arrows at me, as I sat on the ground by the door of my house, whereof
one very narrowly missed my left eye. But the colonel ordered six of
the ringleaders to be seized, and thought no punishment so proper as to
deliver them bound into my hands; which some of his soldiers accordingly did,
pushing them forward with the butt-ends of their pikes into my reach. I
took them all in my right hand, put five of them into my coat-pocket; and as
to the sixth, I made a countenance as if I would eat him alive.
The poor man squalled terribly, and the colonel and his officers were in
much pain, especially when they saw me take out my penknife: but I soon put
them out of fear; for, looking mildly, and immediately cutting the strings he
was bound with, I set him gently on the ground, and away he ran. I
treated the rest in the same manner, taking them one by one out of my pocket;
and I observed both the soldiers and people were highly delighted at this
mark of my clemency, which was represented very much to my advantage at
court.
Towards night I got with some difficulty into my house, where I lay on
the ground, and continued to do so about a fortnight; during which time, the
emperor gave orders to have a bed prepared for me. Six hundred beds of the
common measure were brought in carriages, and worked up in my house; a
hundred and fifty of their beds, sewn together, made up the breadth and
length; and these were four double: which, however, kept me but
very indifferently from the hardness of the floor, that was of
smooth stone. By the same computation, they provided me with
sheets, blankets, and coverlets, tolerable enough for one who had been
so long inured to hardships.
As the news of my arrival spread through the kingdom, it
brought prodigious numbers of rich, idle, and curious people to see me; so
that the villages were almost emptied; and great neglect of tillage and
household affairs must have ensued, if his imperial majesty had not provided,
by several proclamations and orders of state, against this
inconveniency. He directed that those who had already beheld me should
return home, and not presume to come within fifty yards of my house, without
license from the court; whereby the secretaries of state got considerable
fees.
In the mean time the emperor held frequent councils, to debate what
course should be taken with me; and I was afterwards assured by a particular
friend, a person of great quality, who was as much in the secret as any, that
the court was under many difficulties concerning me. They apprehended
my breaking loose; that my diet would be very expensive, and might cause a
famine. Sometimes they determined to starve me; or at least to shoot
me in the face and hands with poisoned arrows, which would soon despatch
me; but again they considered, that the stench of so large a carcass might
produce a plague in the metropolis, and probably spread through the whole
kingdom. In the midst of these consultations, several officers of the
army went to the door of the great council-chamber, and two of them being
admitted, gave an account of my behaviour to the six criminals
above-mentioned; which made so favourable an impression in the breast of
his majesty and the whole board, in my behalf, that an imperial commission
was issued out, obliging all the villages, nine hundred yards round the city,
to deliver in every morning six beeves, forty sheep, and other victuals for
my sustenance; together with a proportionable quantity of bread, and wine,
and other liquors; for the due payment of which, his majesty
gave assignments upon his treasury:--for this prince lives chiefly upon
his own demesnes; seldom, except upon great occasions, raising any subsidies
upon his subjects, who are bound to attend him in his wars at their own
expense. An establishment was also made of six hundred persons to be my
domestics, who had board-wages allowed for their maintenance, and tents built
for them very conveniently on each side of my door. It was
likewise ordered, that three hundred tailors should make me a suit
of clothes, after the fashion of the country; that six of his majesty's
greatest scholars should be employed to instruct me in their language; and
lastly, that the emperor's horses, and those of the nobility and troops of
guards, should be frequently exercised in my sight, to accustom themselves to
me. All these orders were duly put in execution; and in about three
weeks I made a great progress in learning their language; during
which time the emperor frequently honoured me with his visits, and
was pleased to assist my masters in teaching me. We began already
to converse together in some sort; and the first words I learnt, were to
express my desire "that he would please give me my liberty;" which I every
day repeated on my knees. His answer, as I could comprehend it, was,
"that this must be a work of time, not to be thought on without the advice of
his council, and that first I must LUMOS KELMIN PESSO DESMAR LON EMPOSO;"
that is, swear a peace with him and his kingdom. However, that I
should be used with all kindness. And he advised me to "acquire, by
my patience and discreet behaviour, the good opinion of himself and his
subjects." He desired "I would not take it ill, if he gave orders to
certain proper officers to search me; for probably I might carry about me
several weapons, which must needs be dangerous things, if they answered the
bulk of so prodigious a person." I said, "His majesty should be
satisfied; for I was ready to strip myself, and turn up my pockets before
him." This I delivered part in words, and part in signs. He
replied, "that, by the laws of the kingdom, I must be searched by two of
his officers; that he knew this could not be done without my consent and
assistance; and he had so good an opinion of my generosity and justice, as to
trust their persons in my hands; that whatever they took from me, should be
returned when I left the country, or paid for at the rate which I would set
upon them." I took up the two officers in my hands, put them first into
my coat-pockets, and then into every other pocket about me, except my two
fobs, and another secret pocket, which I had no mind should be searched,
wherein I had some little necessaries that were of no consequence to any but
myself. In one of my fobs there was a silver watch, and in the other a
small quantity of gold in a purse. These gentlemen, having pen, ink,
and paper, about them, made an exact inventory of every thing they saw; and
when they had done, desired I would set them down, that they might
deliver it to the emperor. This inventory I afterwards translated
into English, and is, word for word, as follows:
"IMPRIMIS, In the right coat-pocket of the great
man-mountain" (for so I interpret the words QUINBUS FLESTRIN,) "after
the strictest search, we found only one great piece of coarse-cloth, large
enough to be a foot-cloth for your majesty's chief room of state. In
the left pocket we saw a huge silver chest, with a cover of the same metal,
which we, the searchers, were not able to lift. We desired it should be
opened, and one of us stepping into it, found himself up to the mid leg in a
sort of dust, some part whereof flying up to our faces set us both a sneezing
for several times together. In his right waistcoat-pocket we found
a prodigious bundle of white thin substances, folded one over another,
about the bigness of three men, tied with a strong cable, and marked with
black figures; which we humbly conceive to be writings, every letter almost
half as large as the palm of our hands. In the left there was a sort of
engine, from the back of which were extended twenty long poles, resembling
the pallisados before your majesty's court: wherewith we conjecture
the man-mountain combs his head; for we did not always trouble him with
questions, because we found it a great difficulty to make him understand
us. In the large pocket, on the right side of his middle cover" (so I
translate the word RANFULO, by which they meant my breeches,) "we saw a
hollow pillar of iron, about the length of a man, fastened to a strong piece
of timber larger than the pillar; and upon one side of the pillar, were huge
pieces of iron sticking out, cut into strange figures, which we know
not what to make of. In the left pocket, another engine of the
same kind. In the smaller pocket on the right side, were
several round flat pieces of white and red metal, of different bulk;
some of the white, which seemed to be silver, were so large and
heavy, that my comrade and I could hardly lift them. In the left
pocket were two black pillars irregularly shaped: we could not,
without difficulty, reach the top of them, as we stood at the bottom
of his pocket. One of them was covered, and seemed all of a piece:
but at the upper end of the other there appeared a white round substance,
about twice the bigness of our heads. Within each of these was enclosed
a prodigious plate of steel; which, by our orders, we obliged him to show us,
because we apprehended they might be dangerous engines. He took them out of
their cases, and told us, that in his own country his practice was to shave
his beard with one of these, and cut his meat with the other.
There were two pockets which we could not enter: these he called
his fobs; they were two large slits cut into the top of his middle cover,
but squeezed close by the pressure of his belly. Out of the right fob
hung a great silver chain, with a wonderful kind of engine at the
bottom. We directed him to draw out whatever was at the end of that
chain; which appeared to be a globe, half silver, and half of some
transparent metal; for, on the transparent side, we saw certain strange
figures circularly drawn, and though we could touch them, till we found our
fingers stopped by the lucid substance. He put this engine into
our ears, which made an incessant noise, like that of a water-mill: and we
conjecture it is either some unknown animal, or the god that he worships; but
we are more inclined to the latter opinion, because he assured us, (if we
understood him right, for he expressed himself very imperfectly) that he
seldom did any thing without consulting it. He called it his oracle,
and said, it pointed out the time for every action of his life. From
the left fob he took out a net almost large enough for a fisherman,
but contrived to open and shut like a purse, and served him for the same
use: we found therein several massy pieces of yellow metal, which, if
they be real gold, must be of immense value.
"Having thus, in obedience to your majesty's commands,
diligently searched all his pockets, we observed a girdle about his
waist made of the hide of some prodigious animal, from which, on the left
side, hung a sword of the length of five men; and on the right, a bag or
pouch divided into two cells, each cell capable of holding three of your
majesty's subjects. In one of these cells were several globes, or
balls, of a most ponderous metal, about the bigness of our heads, and
requiring a strong hand to lift them: the other cell contained a heap of
certain black grains, but of no great bulk or weight, for we could hold
above fifty of them in the palms of our hands.
"This is an exact inventory of what we found about the body of the
man-mountain, who used us with great civility, and due respect to your
majesty's commission. Signed and sealed on the fourth day of the
eighty-ninth moon of your majesty's auspicious reign.
CLEFRIN FRELOCK, MARSI FRELOCK."
When this inventory was read over to the emperor, he directed
me, although in very gentle terms, to deliver up the
several particulars. He first called for my scimitar, which I took
out, scabbard and all. In the mean time he ordered three thousand
of his choicest troops (who then attended him) to surround me at
a distance, with their bows and arrows just ready to discharge; but I did
not observe it, for mine eyes were wholly fixed upon his majesty. He
then desired me to draw my scimitar, which, although it had got some rust by
the sea water, was, in most parts, exceeding bright. I did so, and
immediately all the troops gave a shout between terror and surprise; for the
sun shone clear, and the reflection dazzled their eyes, as I waved the
scimitar to and fro in my hand. His majesty, who is a most magnanimous
prince, was less daunted than I could expect: he ordered me to return
it into the scabbard, and cast it on the ground as gently as I could,
about six feet from the end of my chain. The next thing he demanded was
one of the hollow iron pillars; by which he meant my pocket pistols. I
drew it out, and at his desire, as well as I could, expressed to him the use
of it; and charging it only with powder, which, by the closeness of my pouch,
happened to escape wetting in the sea (an inconvenience against which
all prudent mariners take special care to provide,) I first cautioned the
emperor not to be afraid, and then I let it off in the air. The astonishment
here was much greater than at the sight of my scimitar. Hundreds fell
down as if they had been struck dead; and even the emperor, although he stood
his ground, could not recover himself for some time. I delivered up
both my pistols in the same manner as I had done my scimitar, and then my
pouch of powder and bullets; begging him that the former might be
kept from fire, for it would kindle with the smallest spark, and blow up
his imperial palace into the air. I likewise delivered up my watch,
which the emperor was very curious to see, and commanded two of his tallest
yeomen of the guards to bear it on a pole upon their shoulders, as draymen in
England do a barrel of ale. He was amazed at the continual noise it
made, and the motion of the minute-hand, which he could easily discern; for
their sight is much more acute than ours: he asked the opinions of his
learned men about it, which were various and remote, as the reader
may well imagine without my repeating; although indeed I could not very
perfectly understand them. I then gave up my silver and copper money,
my purse, with nine large pieces of gold, and some smaller ones; my knife and
razor, my comb and silver snuff-box, my handkerchief and journal-book.
My scimitar, pistols, and pouch, were conveyed in carriages to his majesty's
stores; but the rest of my goods were returned me.
I had as I before observed, one private pocket, which escaped their
search, wherein there was a pair of spectacles (which I sometimes use for the
weakness of mine eyes,) a pocket perspective, and some other little
conveniences; which, being of no consequence to the emperor, I did not think
myself bound in honour to discover, and I apprehended they might be lost
or spoiled if I ventured them out of my possession.
CHAPTER III.
[The author diverts the emperor, and his nobility of both sexes, in a
very uncommon manner. The diversions of the court of Lilliput
described. The author has his liberty granted him upon certain
conditions.]
My gentleness and good behaviour had gained so far on the
emperor and his court, and indeed upon the army and people in
general, that I began to conceive hopes of getting my liberty in a
short time. I took all possible methods to cultivate this
favourable disposition. The natives came, by degrees, to be
less apprehensive of any danger from me. I would sometimes lie
down, and let five or six of them dance on my hand; and at last the boys
and girls would venture to come and play at hide-and-seek in my hair. I
had now made a good progress in understanding and speaking the
language. The emperor had a mind one day to entertain me with several
of the country shows, wherein they exceed all nations I have known, both for
dexterity and magnificence. I was diverted with none so much as that of
the rope-dancers, performed upon a slender white thread, extended about
two feet, and twelve inches from the ground. Upon which I shall desire
liberty, with the reader's patience, to enlarge a little.
This diversion is only practised by those persons who are candidates for
great employments, and high favour at court. They are trained in this
art from their youth, and are not always of noble birth, or liberal
education. When a great office is vacant, either by death or disgrace
(which often happens,) five or six of those candidates petition the emperor
to entertain his majesty and the court with a dance on the rope; and whoever
jumps the highest, without falling, succeeds in the office. Very
often the chief ministers themselves are commanded to show their
skill, and to convince the emperor that they have not lost their faculty.
Flimnap, the treasurer, is allowed to cut a caper on the straight rope, at
least an inch higher than any other lord in the whole empire. I have
seen him do the summerset several times together, upon a trencher fixed on a
rope which is no thicker than a common pack-thread in England. My
friend Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs, is, in my opinion,
if I am not partial, the second after the treasurer; the rest of the great
officers are much upon a par.
These diversions are often attended with fatal accidents, whereof great
numbers are on record. I myself have seen two or three candidates break
a limb. But the danger is much greater, when the ministers themselves
are commanded to show their dexterity; for, by contending to excel themselves
and their fellows, they strain so far that there is hardly one of them who
has not received a fall, and some of them two or three. I was
assured that, a year or two before my arrival, Flimnap would
infallibly have broke his neck, if one of the king's cushions,
that accidentally lay on the ground, had not weakened the force of
his fall.
There is likewise another diversion, which is only shown before the
emperor and empress, and first minister, upon particular occasions. The
emperor lays on the table three fine silken threads of six inches long; one
is blue, the other red, and the third green. These threads are proposed as
prizes for those persons whom the emperor has a mind to distinguish by a
peculiar mark of his favour. The ceremony is performed in his
majesty's great chamber of state, where the candidates are to undergo
a trial of dexterity very different from the former, and such as I have
not observed the least resemblance of in any other country of the new or old
world. The emperor holds a stick in his hands, both ends parallel to the
horizon, while the candidates advancing, one by one, sometimes leap over the
stick, sometimes creep under it, backward and forward, several times,
according as the stick is advanced or depressed. Sometimes the emperor
holds one end of the stick, and his first minister the other;
sometimes the minister has it entirely to himself. Whoever performs
his part with most agility, and holds out the longest in leaping
and creeping, is rewarded with the blue-coloured silk; the red is given to
the next, and the green to the third, which they all wear girt twice round
about the middle; and you see few great persons about this court who are not
adorned with one of these girdles.
The horses of the army, and those of the royal stables, having been
daily led before me, were no longer shy, but would come up to my very feet
without starting. The riders would leap them over my hand, as I held it
on the ground; and one of the emperor's huntsmen, upon a large courser, took
my foot, shoe and all; which was indeed a prodigious leap. I had the
good fortune to divert the emperor one day after a very extraordinary manner.
I desired he would order several sticks of two feet high, and
the thickness of an ordinary cane, to be brought me; whereupon his majesty
commanded the master of his woods to give directions accordingly; and the
next morning six woodmen arrived with as many carriages, drawn by eight
horses to each. I took nine of these sticks, and fixing them firmly in
the ground in a quadrangular figure, two feet and a half square, I took
four other sticks, and tied them parallel at each corner, about two feet
from the ground; then I fastened my handkerchief to the nine sticks that
stood erect; and extended it on all sides, till it was tight as the top of a
drum; and the four parallel sticks, rising about five inches higher than the
handkerchief, served as ledges on each side. When I had finished my
work, I desired the emperor to let a troop of his best horses twenty-four in
number, come and exercise upon this plain. His majesty approved of
the proposal, and I took them up, one by one, in my hands, ready mounted
and armed, with the proper officers to exercise them. As soon as they
got into order they divided into two parties, performed mock skirmishes,
discharged blunt arrows, drew their swords, fled and pursued, attacked and
retired, and in short discovered the best military discipline I ever
beheld. The parallel sticks secured them and their horses from falling
over the stage; and the emperor was so much delighted, that he
ordered this entertainment to be repeated several days, and once
was pleased to be lifted up and give the word of command; and with great
difficulty persuaded even the empress herself to let me hold her in her close
chair within two yards of the stage, when she was able to take a full view of
the whole performance. It was my good fortune, that no ill accident
happened in these entertainments; only once a fiery horse, that belonged to
one of the captains, pawing with his hoof, struck a hole in
my handkerchief, and his foot slipping, he overthrew his rider
and himself; but I immediately relieved them both, and covering the hole
with one hand, I set down the troop with the other, in the same manner as I
took them up. The horse that fell was strained in the left shoulder, but the
rider got no hurt; and I repaired my handkerchief as well as I could:
however, I would not trust to the strength of it any more, in such dangerous
enterprises.
About two or three days before I was set at liberty, as I
was entertaining the court with this kind of feat, there arrived
an express to inform his majesty, that some of his subjects, riding near
the place where I was first taken up, had seen a great black substance lying
on the around, very oddly shaped, extending its edges round, as wide as his
majesty's bedchamber, and rising up in the middle as high as a man; that it
was no living creature, as they at first apprehended, for it lay on the grass
without motion; and some of them had walked round it several times;
that, by mounting upon each other's shoulders, they had got to the
top, which was flat and even, and, stamping upon it, they found that it
was hollow within; that they humbly conceived it might be something belonging
to the man-mountain; and if his majesty pleased, they would undertake to
bring it with only five horses. I presently knew what they meant, and was
glad at heart to receive this intelligence. It seems, upon my first
reaching the shore after our shipwreck, I was in such confusion, that before
I came to the place where I went to sleep, my hat, which I had fastened
with a string to my head while I was rowing, and had stuck on all the time I
was swimming, fell off after I came to land; the string, as I conjecture,
breaking by some accident, which I never observed, but thought my hat had
been lost at sea. I entreated his imperial majesty to give orders it might
be brought to me as soon as possible, describing to him the use and the
nature of it: and the next day the waggoners arrived with it, but not
in a very good condition; they had bored two holes in the brim, within an
inch and half of the edge, and fastened two hooks in the holes; these hooks
were tied by a long cord to the harness, and thus my hat was dragged along
for above half an English mile; but, the ground in that country being
extremely smooth and level, it received less damage than I expected.
Two days after this adventure, the emperor, having ordered that part of
his army which quarters in and about his metropolis, to be in readiness, took
a fancy of diverting himself in a very singular manner. He desired I
would stand like a Colossus, with my legs as far asunder as I conveniently
could. He then commanded his general (who was an old experienced
leader, and a great patron of mine) to draw up the troops in close order,
and march them under me; the foot by twenty-four abreast, and the horse by
sixteen, with drums beating, colours flying, and pikes advanced. This
body consisted of three thousand foot, and a thousand horse. His
majesty gave orders, upon pain of death, that every soldier in his march
should observe the strictest decency with regard to my person; which however
could not prevent some of the younger officers from turning up their eyes as
they passed under me: and, to confess the truth, my breeches were
at that time in so ill a condition, that they afforded some opportunities
for laughter and admiration.
I had sent so many memorials and petitions for my liberty, that his
majesty at length mentioned the matter, first in the cabinet, and then in a
full council; where it was opposed by none, except Skyresh Bolgolam, who was
pleased, without any provocation, to be my mortal enemy. But it was
carried against him by the whole board, and confirmed by the emperor.
That minister was GALBET, or admiral of the realm, very much in his master's
confidence, and a person well versed in affairs, but of a morose and
sour complexion. However, he was at length persuaded to comply;
but prevailed that the articles and conditions upon which I should be set
free, and to which I must swear, should be drawn up by himself. These
articles were brought to me by Skyresh Bolgolam in person attended by two
under-secretaries, and several persons of distinction. After they were
read, I was demanded to swear to the performance of them; first in the manner
of my own country, and afterwards in the method prescribed by their laws;
which was, to hold my right foot in my left hand, and to place the
middle finger of my right hand on the crown of my head, and my thumb
on the tip of my right ear. But because the reader may be curious to
have some idea of the style and manner of expression peculiar to that people,
as well as to know the article upon which I recovered my liberty, I have made
a translation of the whole instrument, word for word, as near as I was able,
which I here offer to the public.
"Golbasto Momarem Evlame Gurdilo Shefin Mully Ully Gue, most mighty
Emperor of Lilliput, delight and terror of the universe, whose dominions
extend five thousand BLUSTRUGS (about twelve miles in circumference) to the
extremities of the globe; monarch of all monarchs, taller than the sons of
men; whose feet press down to the centre, and whose head strikes against the
sun; at whose nod the princes of the earth shake their knees; pleasant
as the spring, comfortable as the summer, fruitful as autumn, dreadful as
winter: his most sublime majesty proposes to the man-mountain, lately arrived
at our celestial dominions, the following articles, which, by a solemn oath,
he shall be obliged to perform:--
"1st, The man-mountain shall not depart from our dominions, without our
license under our great seal.
"2d, He shall not presume to come into our metropolis, without our
express order; at which time, the inhabitants shall have two hours warning to
keep within doors.
"3d, The said man-mountain shall confine his walks to our principal high
roads, and not offer to walk, or lie down, in a meadow or field of
corn.
"4th, As he walks the said roads, he shall take the utmost care not to
trample upon the bodies of any of our loving subjects, their horses, or
carriages, nor take any of our subjects into his hands without their own
consent.
"5th, If an express requires extraordinary despatch, the man-mountain
shall be obliged to carry, in his pocket, the messenger and horse a six days
journey, once in every moon, and return the said messenger back (if so
required) safe to our imperial presence.
"6th, He shall be our ally against our enemies in the island
of Blefuscu, and do his utmost to destroy their fleet, which is
now preparing to invade us.
"7th, That the said man-mountain shall, at his times of leisure, be
aiding and assisting to our workmen, in helping to raise certain great
stones, towards covering the wall of the principal park, and other our royal
buildings.
"8th, That the said man-mountain shall, in two moons' time, deliver in
an exact survey of the circumference of our dominions, by a computation of
his own paces round the coast.
"Lastly, That, upon his solemn oath to observe all the above articles,
the said man-mountain shall have a daily allowance of meat and drink
sufficient for the support of 1724 of our subjects, with free access to our
royal person, and other marks of our favour. Given at our palace at
Belfaborac, the twelfth day of the ninety-first moon of our reign."
I swore and subscribed to these articles with great cheerfulness and
content, although some of them were not so honourable as I could have wished;
which proceeded wholly from the malice of Skyresh Bolgolam, the
high-admiral: whereupon my chains were immediately unlocked, and I was
at full liberty. The emperor himself, in person, did me the honour to
be by at the whole ceremony. I made my acknowledgements by prostrating
myself at his majesty's feet: but he commanded me to rise; and after
many gracious expressions, which, to avoid the censure of vanity, I shall
not repeat, he added, "that he hoped I should prove a useful servant, and
well deserve all the favours he had already conferred upon me, or might do
for the future."
The reader may please to observe, that, in the last article of the
recovery of my liberty, the emperor stipulates to allow me a quantity of meat
and drink sufficient for the support of 1724 Lilliputians. Some time
after, asking a friend at court how they came to fix on that determinate
number, he told me that his majesty's mathematicians, having taken the height
of my body by the help of a quadrant, and finding it to exceed theirs in
the proportion of twelve to one, they concluded from the similarity of
their bodies, that mine must contain at least 1724 of theirs, and
consequently would require as much food as was necessary to support that
number of Lilliputians. By which the reader may conceive an idea of the
ingenuity of that people, as well as the prudent and exact economy of so
great a prince.
CHAPTER IV.
[Mildendo, the metropolis of Lilliput, described, together with the
emperor's palace. A conversation between the author and a principal
secretary, concerning the affairs of that empire. The author's offers
to serve the emperor in his wars.]
The first request I made, after I had obtained my liberty, was, that
I might have license to see Mildendo, the metropolis; which the emperor
easily granted me, but with a special charge to do no hurt either to the
inhabitants or their houses. The people had notice, by proclamation, of
my design to visit the town. The wall which encompassed it is two feet
and a half high, and at least eleven inches broad, so that a coach and horses
may be driven very safely round it; and it is flanked with strong
towers at ten feet distance. I stepped over the great western gate,
and passed very gently, and sidling, through the two principal streets,
only in my short waistcoat, for fear of damaging the roofs and eaves of the
houses with the skirts of my coat. I walked with the utmost
circumspection, to avoid treading on any stragglers who might remain in the
streets, although the orders were very strict, that all people should keep in
their houses, at their own peril. The garret windows and tops of houses
were so crowded with spectators, that I thought in all my travels I
had not seen a more populous place. The city is an exact
square, each side of the wall being five hundred feet long. The
two great streets, which run across and divide it into four quarters, are
five feet wide. The lanes and alleys, which I could not enter, but only
view them as I passed, are from twelve to eighteen inches. The town is
capable of holding five hundred thousand souls: the houses are from
three to five stories: the shops and markets well provided.
The emperor's palace is in the centre of the city where the two great
streets meet. It is enclosed by a wall of two feet high, and twenty
feet distance from the buildings. I had his majesty's permission to
step over this wall; and, the space being so wide between that and the
palace, I could easily view it on every side. The outward court is a square
of forty feet, and includes two other courts: in the inmost are the
royal apartments, which I was very desirous to see, but found it extremely
difficult; for the great gates, from one square into another, were but
eighteen inches high, and seven inches wide. Now the buildings of
the outer court were at least five feet high, and it was impossible for me
to stride over them without infinite damage to the pile, though the walls
were strongly built of hewn stone, and four inches thick. At the same
time the emperor had a great desire that I should see the magnificence of his
palace; but this I was not able to do till three days after, which I spent in
cutting down with my knife some of the largest trees in the royal
park, about a hundred yards distant from the city. Of these trees
I made two stools, each about three feet high, and strong enough to bear
my weight. The people having received notice a second time, I went
again through the city to the palace with my two stools in my hands.
When I came to the side of the outer court, I stood upon one stool, and took
the other in my hand; this I lifted over the roof, and gently set it down on
the space between the first and second court, which was eight feet
wide. I then stept over the building very conveniently from one stool
to the other, and drew up the first after me with a hooked stick. By
this contrivance I got into the inmost court; and, lying down upon
my side, I applied my face to the windows of the middle stories, which
were left open on purpose, and discovered the most splendid apartments that
can be imagined. There I saw the empress and the young princes, in
their several lodgings, with their chief attendants about them. Her
imperial majesty was pleased to smile very graciously upon me, and gave me
out of the window her hand to kiss.
But I shall not anticipate the reader with further descriptions of this
kind, because I reserve them for a greater work, which is now almost ready
for the press; containing a general description of this empire, from its
first erection, through along series of princes; with a particular account of
their wars and politics, laws, learning, and religion; their plants and
animals; their peculiar manners and customs, with other matters very curious
and useful; my chief design at present being only to relate such events
and transactions as happened to the public or to myself during a residence of
about nine months in that empire.
One morning, about a fortnight after I had obtained my
liberty, Reldresal, principal secretary (as they style him) for
private affairs, came to my house attended only by one servant.
He ordered his coach to wait at a distance, and desired I would give him
an hours audience; which I readily consented to, on account of his quality
and personal merits, as well as of the many good offices he had done me
during my solicitations at court. I offered to lie down that he might
the more conveniently reach my ear, but he chose rather to let me hold him in
my hand during our conversation. He began with compliments on my
liberty; said "he might pretend to some merit in it;" but, however, added,
"that if it had not been for the present situation of things at
court, perhaps I might not have obtained it so soon. For," said he,
"as flourishing a condition as we may appear to be in to foreigners, we
labour under two mighty evils: a violent faction at home, and the
danger of an invasion, by a most potent enemy, from abroad. As to the first,
you are to understand, that for about seventy moons past there have been two
struggling parties in this empire, under the names of TRAMECKSAN and
SLAMECKSAN, from the high and low heels of their shoes, by which they
distinguish themselves. It is alleged, indeed, that the high heels are most
agreeable to our ancient constitution; but, however this be, his majesty
has determined to make use only of low heels in the administration of the
government, and all offices in the gift of the crown, as you cannot but
observe; and particularly that his majesty's imperial heels are lower at
least by a DRURR than any of his court (DRURR is a measure about the
fourteenth part of an inch). The animosities between these two parties
run so high, that they will neither eat, nor drink, nor talk with each
other. We compute the TRAMECKSAN, or high heels, to exceed us in
number; but the power is wholly on our side. We apprehend his imperial
highness, the heir to the crown, to have some tendency towards the high
heels; at least we can plainly discover that one of his heels is
higher than the other, which gives him a hobble in his gait. Now,
in the midst of these intestine disquiets, we are threatened with
an invasion from the island of Blefuscu, which is the other great empire
of the universe, almost as large and powerful as this of his majesty.
For as to what we have heard you affirm, that there are other kingdoms and
states in the world inhabited by human creatures as large as yourself, our
philosophers are in much doubt, and would rather conjecture that you dropped
from the moon, or one of the stars; because it is certain, that a
hundred mortals of your bulk would in a short time destroy all the
fruits and cattle of his majesty's dominions: besides, our histories
of six thousand moons make no mention of any other regions than the two
great empires of Lilliput and Blefuscu. Which two mighty powers have,
as I was going to tell you, been engaged in a most obstinate war for
six-and-thirty moons past. It began upon the following occasion.
It is allowed on all hands, that the primitive way of breaking eggs, before
we eat them, was upon the larger end; but his present majesty's grandfather,
while he was a boy, going to eat an egg, and breaking it according to
the ancient practice, happened to cut one of his fingers. Whereupon the
emperor his father published an edict, commanding all his subjects, upon
great penalties, to break the smaller end of their eggs. The people so
highly resented this law, that our histories tell us, there have been six
rebellions raised on that account; wherein one emperor lost his life, and
another his crown. These civil commotions were constantly fomented by the
monarchs of Blefuscu; and when they were quelled, the exiles always fled
for refuge to that empire. It is computed that eleven
thousand persons have at several times suffered death, rather than
submit to break their eggs at the smaller end. Many hundred
large volumes have been published upon this controversy: but the
books of the Big-endians have been long forbidden, and the whole
party rendered incapable by law of holding employments. During
the course of these troubles, the emperors of Blefusca did
frequently expostulate by their ambassadors, accusing us of making a
schism in religion, by offending against a fundamental doctrine of
our great prophet Lustrog, in the fifty-fourth chapter of the Blundecral
(which is their Alcoran). This, however, is thought to be a mere strain
upon the text; for the words are these: 'that all true believers break their
eggs at the convenient end.'
And which is the convenient end, seems, in my humble opinion to be left
to every man's conscience, or at least in the power of the chief magistrate
to determine. Now, the Big-endian exiles have found so much credit in
the emperor of Blefuscu's court, and so much private assistance and
encouragement from their party here at home, that a bloody war has been
carried on between the two empires for six-and-thirty moons, with various
success; during which time we have lost forty capital ships, and a much
a greater number of smaller vessels, together with thirty thousand of our
best seamen and soldiers; and the damage received by the enemy is reckoned to
be somewhat greater than ours. However, they have now equipped a
numerous fleet, and are just preparing to make a descent upon us; and his
imperial majesty, placing great confidence in your valour and strength, has
commanded me to lay this account of his affairs before you."
I desired the secretary to present my humble duty to the emperor; and to
let him know, "that I thought it would not become me, who was a foreigner, to
interfere with parties; but I was ready, with the hazard of my life, to
defend his person and state against all invaders."
CHAPTER V.
[The author, by an extraordinary stratagem, prevents an invasion. A high
title of honour is conferred upon him. Ambassadors arrive from the
emperor of Blefuscu, and sue for peace. The empress's apartment on fire
by an accident; the author instrumental in saving the rest of the
palace.]
The empire of Blefuscu is an island situated to the north-east
of Lilliput, from which it is parted only by a channel of eight hundred
yards wide. I had not yet seen it, and upon this notice of an intended
invasion, I avoided appearing on that side of the coast, for fear of being
discovered, by some of the enemy's ships, who had received no intelligence of
me; all intercourse between the two empires having been strictly forbidden
during the war, upon pain of death, and an embargo laid by our emperor
upon all vessels whatsoever. I communicated to his majesty a
project I had formed of seizing the enemy's whole fleet; which, as
our scouts assured us, lay at anchor in the harbour, ready to sail with
the first fair wind. I consulted the most experienced seamen upon the
depth of the channel, which they had often plumbed; who told me, that in the
middle, at high-water, it was seventy GLUMGLUFFS deep, which is about six
feet of European measure; and the rest of it fifty GLUMGLUFFS at most.
I walked towards the north-east coast, over against Blefuscu, where,
lying down behind a hillock, I took out my small perspective glass,
and viewed the enemy's fleet at anchor, consisting of about fifty men of
war, and a great number of transports: I then came back to my house,
and gave orders (for which I had a warrant) for a great quantity of the
strongest cable and bars of iron. The cable was about as thick as
packthread and the bars of the length and size of a knitting-needle. I
trebled the cable to make it stronger, and for the same reason I twisted
three of the iron bars together, bending the extremities into a hook.
Having thus fixed fifty hooks to as many cables, I went back to the
north-east coast, and putting off my coat, shoes, and stockings, walked
into the sea, in my leathern jerkin, about half an hour before
high water. I waded with what haste I could, and swam in the
middle about thirty yards, till I felt ground. I arrived at the
fleet in less than half an hour. The enemy was so frightened when
they saw me, that they leaped out of their ships, and swam to shore, where
there could not be fewer than thirty thousand souls. I then took my
tackling, and, fastening a hook to the hole at the prow of each, I tied all
the cords together at the end. While I was thus employed, the enemy
discharged several thousand arrows, many of which stuck in my hands and face,
and, beside the excessive smart, gave me much disturbance in my work. My
greatest apprehension was for mine eyes, which I should have
infallibly lost, if I had not suddenly thought of an expedient. I
kept, among other little necessaries, a pair of spectacles in a
private pocket, which, as I observed before, had escaped the
emperor's searchers. These I took out and fastened as strongly as I
could upon my nose, and thus armed, went on boldly with my work, in spite
of the enemy's arrows, many of which struck against the glasses of my
spectacles, but without any other effect, further than a little to discompose
them. I had now fastened all the hooks, and, taking the knot in my
hand, began to pull; but not a ship would stir, for they were all too fast
held by their anchors, so that the boldest part of my enterprise
remained. I therefore let go the cord, and leaving the looks fixed to
the ships, I resolutely cut with my knife the cables that fastened the
anchors, receiving about two hundred shots in my face and hands; then I took
up the knotted end of the cables, to which my hooks were tied, and with great
ease drew fifty of the enemy's largest men of war after me.
The Blefuscudians, who had not the least imagination of what I intended,
were at first confounded with astonishment. They had seen me cut the
cables, and thought my design was only to let the ships run adrift or fall
foul on each other: but when they perceived the whole fleet moving in
order, and saw me pulling at the end, they set up such a scream of grief and
despair as it is almost impossible to describe or conceive. When I had
got out of danger, I stopped awhile to pick out the arrows that stuck in
my hands and face; and rubbed on some of the same ointment that was given
me at my first arrival, as I have formerly mentioned. I then took off
my spectacles, and waiting about an hour, till the tide was a little fallen,
I waded through the middle with my cargo, and arrived safe at the royal port
of Lilliput.
The emperor and his whole court stood on the shore, expecting the issue
of this great adventure. They saw the ships move forward in a large
half-moon, but could not discern me, who was up to my breast in water.
When I advanced to the middle of the channel, they were yet more in pain,
because I was under water to my neck. The emperor concluded me to be drowned,
and that the enemy's fleet was approaching in a hostile manner: but he
was soon eased of his fears; for the channel growing shallower every step
I made, I came in a short time within hearing, and holding up the end of
the cable, by which the fleet was fastened, I cried in a loud voice, "Long
live the most puissant king of Lilliput!" This great prince received me
at my landing with all possible encomiums, and created me a NARDAC upon the
spot, which is the highest title of honour among them.
His majesty desired I would take some other opportunity of bringing all
the rest of his enemy's ships into his ports. And so unmeasureable is
the ambition of princes, that he seemed to think of nothing less than
reducing the whole empire of Blefuscu into a province, and governing it, by a
viceroy; of destroying the Big-endian exiles, and compelling that people to
break the smaller end of their eggs, by which he would remain the
sole monarch of the whole world. But I endeavoured to divert him
from this design, by many arguments drawn from the topics of policy
as well as justice; and I plainly protested, "that I would never be an
instrument of bringing a free and brave people into slavery." And, when the
matter was debated in council, the wisest part of the ministry were of my
opinion.
This open bold declaration of mine was so opposite to the schemes and
politics of his imperial majesty, that he could never forgive me. He
mentioned it in a very artful manner at council, where I was told that some
of the wisest appeared, at least by their silence, to be of my opinion; but
others, who were my secret enemies, could not forbear some expressions which,
by a side-wind, reflected on me. And from this time began an
intrigue between his majesty and a junto of ministers, maliciously
bent against me, which broke out in less than two months, and had like to
have ended in my utter destruction. Of so little weight are the
greatest services to princes, when put into the balance with a refusal to
gratify their passions.
About three weeks after this exploit, there arrived a solemn embassy
from Blefuscu, with humble offers of a peace, which was soon concluded, upon
conditions very advantageous to our emperor, wherewith I shall not trouble
the reader. There were six ambassadors, with a train of about five
hundred persons, and their entry was very magnificent, suitable to the
grandeur of their master, and the importance of their business. When
their treaty was finished, wherein I did them several good offices by the
credit I now had, or at least appeared to have, at court, their excellencies,
who were privately told how much I had been their friend, made me a visit in
form. They began with many compliments upon my valour and generosity,
invited me to that kingdom in the emperor their master's name, and desired me
to show them some proofs of my prodigious strength, of which they had
heard so many wonders; wherein I readily obliged them, but shall not trouble
the reader with the particulars.
When I had for some time entertained their excellencies, to
their infinite satisfaction and surprise, I desired they would do me the
honour to present my most humble respects to the emperor their master, the
renown of whose virtues had so justly filled the whole world with admiration,
and whose royal person I resolved to attend, before I returned to my own
country. Accordingly, the next time I had the honour to see our emperor,
I desired his general license to wait on the Blefuscudian monarch, which
he was pleased to grant me, as I could perceive, in a very cold manner; but
could not guess the reason, till I had a whisper from a certain person, "that
Flimnap and Bolgolam had represented my intercourse with those ambassadors as
a mark of disaffection;" from which I am sure my heart was wholly free.
And this was the first time I began to conceive some imperfect idea of courts
and ministers.
It is to be observed, that these ambassadors spoke to me, by
an interpreter, the languages of both empires differing as much from each
other as any two in Europe, and each nation priding itself upon the
antiquity, beauty, and energy of their own tongue, with an avowed contempt
for that of their neighbour; yet our emperor, standing upon the advantage he
had got by the seizure of their fleet, obliged them to deliver their
credentials, and make their speech, in the Lilliputian tongue. And it
must be confessed, that from the great intercourse of trade and commerce
between both realms, from the continual reception of exiles which
is mutual among them, and from the custom, in each empire, to send their
young nobility and richer gentry to the other, in order to polish themselves
by seeing the world, and understanding men and manners; there are few persons
of distinction, or merchants, or seamen, who dwell in the maritime parts, but
what can hold conversation in both tongues; as I found some weeks after, when
I went to pay my respects to the emperor of Blefuscu, which, in the midst
of great misfortunes, through the malice of my enemies, proved a very happy
adventure to me, as I shall relate in its proper place.
The reader may remember, that when I signed those articles upon which I
recovered my liberty, there were some which I disliked, upon account of their
being too servile; neither could anything but an extreme necessity have
forced me to submit. But being now a NARDAC of the highest rank in that
empire, such offices were looked upon as below my dignity, and the emperor
(to do him justice), never once mentioned them to me. However, it was
not long before I had an opportunity of doing his majesty, at least as I
then thought, a most signal service. I was alarmed at midnight with the
cries of many hundred people at my door; by which, being suddenly awaked, I
was in some kind of terror. I heard the word BURGLUM repeated
incessantly: several of the emperor's court, making their way through
the crowd, entreated me to come immediately to the palace, where her imperial
majesty's apartment was on fire, by the carelessness of a maid of
honour, who fell asleep while she was reading a romance. I got up in
an instant; and orders being given to clear the way before me, and it
being likewise a moonshine night, I made a shift to get to the palace without
trampling on any of the people. I found they had already applied
ladders to the walls of the apartment, and were well provided with buckets,
but the water was at some distance. These buckets were about the size of
large thimbles, and the poor people supplied me with them as fast as they
could: but the flame was so violent that they did little good. I
might easily have stifled it with my coat, which I unfortunately left
behind me for haste, and came away only in my leathern jerkin. The
case seemed wholly desperate and deplorable; and this magnificent palace
would have infallibly been burnt down to the ground, if, by a presence of
mind unusual to me, I had not suddenly thought of an expedient. I had,
the evening before, drunk plentifully of a most delicious wine called
GLIMIGRIM, (the Blefuscudians call it FLUNEC, but ours is esteemed the better
sort,) which is very diuretic. By the luckiest chance in the world, I
had not discharged myself of any part of it. The heat I had
contracted by coming very near the flames, and by labouring to quench
them, made the wine begin to operate by urine; which I voided in such
a quantity, and applied so well to the proper places, that in
three minutes the fire was wholly extinguished, and the rest of that noble
pile, which had cost so many ages in erecting, preserved from
destruction.
It was now day-light, and I returned to my house without waiting to
congratulate with the emperor: because, although I had done a very
eminent piece of service, yet I could not tell how his majesty might resent
the manner by which I had performed it: for, by the fundamental laws of the
realm, it is capital in any person, of what quality soever, to make water
within the precincts of the palace. But I was a little comforted by
a message from his majesty, "that he would give orders to the
grand justiciary for passing my pardon in form:" which, however, I could
not obtain; and I was privately assured, "that the empress, conceiving the
greatest abhorrence of what I had done, removed to the most distant side of
the court, firmly resolved that those buildings should never be repaired for
her use: and, in the presence of her chief confidents could not forbear
vowing revenge."
CHAPTER VI.
[Of the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs; the
manner of educating their children. The author's way of living in that
country. His vindication of a great lady.]
Although I intend to leave the description of this empire to
a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content to gratify the
curious reader with some general ideas. As the common size of the
natives is somewhat under six inches high, so there is an exact proportion in
all other animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches in height, the sheep
an inch and half, more or less: their geese about the bigness of a
sparrow, and so the several gradations downwards till you come to
the smallest, which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper for their
view: they see with great exactness, but at no great distance.
And, to show the sharpness of their sight towards objects that are near, I
have been much pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was not so
large as a common fly; and a young girl threading an invisible needle with
invisible silk. Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean
some of those in the great royal park, the tops whereof I could but
just reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader's imagination.
I shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many
ages, has flourished in all its branches among them: but their manner
of writing is very peculiar, being neither from the left to the right, like
the Europeans, nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from up
to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner of the paper to the
other, like ladies in England.
They bury their dead with their heads directly downward, because they
hold an opinion, that in eleven thousand moons they are all to rise again; in
which period the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
down, and by this means they shall, at their resurrection, be found ready
standing on their feet. The learned among them confess the absurdity of
this doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to the
vulgar.
There are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if
they were not so directly contrary to those of my own dear country, I should
be tempted to say a little in their justification. It is only to be
wished they were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
informers. All crimes against the state, are punished here with the
utmost severity; but, if the person accused makes his innocence plainly to
appear upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an ignominious
death; and out of his goods or lands the innocent person is quadruply
recompensed for the loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he has been at in
making his defence; or, if that fund be deficient, it is largely supplied by
the crown. The emperor also confers on him some public mark of his
favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence through the whole
city.
They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore seldom
fail to punish it with death; for they allege, that care and vigilance, with
a very common understanding, may preserve a man's goods from thieves, but
honesty has no defence against superior cunning; and, since it is necessary
that there should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and selling, and
dealing upon credit, where fraud is permitted and connived at, or has no
law to punish it, the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave gets
the advantage. I remember, when I was once interceding with the emperor
for a criminal who had wronged his master of a great sum of money, which he
had received by order and ran away with; and happening to tell his majesty,
by way of extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the emperor
thought it monstrous in me to offer as a defence the greatest aggravation of
the crime; and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different customs; for,
I confess, I was heartily ashamed. (2)
Although we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon which
all government turns, yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever can there bring
sufficient proof, that he has strictly observed the laws of his country for
seventy-three moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable sum of money out
of a fund appropriated for that use: he likewise acquires the title of
SNILPALL, or legal, which is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of policy
among us, when I told them that our laws were enforced only by penalties,
without any mention of reward. It is upon this account that the image
of Justice, in their courts of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two
before, as many behind, and on each side one, to signify
circumspection; with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword
sheathed in her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than
to punish.
In choosing persons for all employments, they have more regard to good
morals than to great abilities; for, since government is necessary to
mankind, they believe, that the common size of human understanding is fitted
to some station or other; and that Providence never intended to make the
management of public affairs a mystery to be comprehended only by a few
persons of sublime genius, of which there seldom are three born in an age:
but they suppose truth, justice, temperance, and the like, to be in every
man's power; the practice of which virtues, assisted by experience and a good
intention, would qualify any man for the service of his country, except where
a course of study is required. But they thought the want of moral
virtues was so far from being supplied by superior endowments of the mind,
that employments could never be put into such dangerous hands as those of
persons so qualified; and, at least, that the mistakes committed by
ignorance, in a virtuous disposition, would never be of such fatal
consequence to the public weal, as the practices of a man, whose inclinations
led him to be corrupt, and who had great abilities to manage, to multiply,
and defend his corruptions.
In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man
incapable of holding any public station; for, since kings avow themselves to
be the deputies of Providence, the Lilliputians think nothing can be more
absurd than for a prince to employ such men as disown the authority under
which he acts.
In relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood to
mean the original institutions, and not the most scandalous corruptions, into
which these people are fallen by the degenerate nature of man. For, as
to that infamous practice of acquiring great employments by dancing on the
ropes, or badges of favour and distinction by leaping over sticks and
creeping under them, the reader is to observe, that they were first
introduced by the grandfather of the emperor now reigning, and grew to
the present height by the gradual increase of party and faction.
Ingratitude is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been in
some other countries: for they reason thus; that whoever makes ill
returns to his benefactor, must needs be a common enemy to the rest of
mankind, from whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such a man is
not fit to live.
Their notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ
extremely from ours. For, since the conjunction of male and female is
founded upon the great law of nature, in order to propagate and continue the
species, the Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are joined
together, like other animals, by the motives of concupiscence; and that
their tenderness towards their young proceeds from the like
natural principle: for which reason they will never allow that a
child is under any obligation to his father for begetting him, or to his
mother for bringing him into the world; which, considering the miseries of
human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor intended so by his parents,
whose thoughts, in their love encounters, were otherwise employed. Upon
these, and the like reasonings, their opinion is, that parents are the last
of all others to be trusted with the education of their own children; and
therefore they have in every town public nurseries, where all parents, except
cottagers and labourers, are obliged to send their infants of both sexes to
be reared and educated, when they come to the age of twenty moons, at which
time they are supposed to have some rudiments of docility. These
schools are of several kinds, suited to different qualities, and both
sexes. They have certain professors well skilled in preparing children
for such a condition of life as befits the rank of their parents, and
their own capacities, as well as inclinations. I shall first
say something of the male nurseries, and then of the female.
The nurseries for males of noble or eminent birth, are provided with
grave and learned professors, and their several deputies. The clothes and
food of the children are plain and simple. They are bred up in the
principles of honour, justice, courage, modesty, clemency, religion, and love
of their country; they are always employed in some business, except in the
times of eating and sleeping, which are very short, and two hours for
diversions consisting of bodily exercises. They are dressed by men
till four years of age, and then are obliged to dress themselves, although
their quality be ever so great; and the women attendant, who are aged
proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only the most menial offices.
They are never suffered to converse with servants, but go together in smaller
or greater numbers to take their diversions, and always in the presence of a
professor, or one of his deputies; whereby they avoid those early
bad impressions of folly and vice, to which our children are subject.
Their parents are suffered to see them only twice a year; the visit is
to last but an hour; they are allowed to kiss the child at meeting and
parting; but a professor, who always stands by on those occasions, will not
suffer them to whisper, or use any fondling expressions, or bring any
presents of toys, sweetmeats, and the like.
The pension from each family for the education and entertainment of a
child, upon failure of due payment, is levied by the emperor's
officers.
The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders,
and handicrafts, are managed proportionably after the same manner; only those
designed for trades are put out apprentices at eleven years old, whereas
those of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen, which
answers to twenty-one with us: but the confinement is gradually
lessened for the last three years.
In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much
like the males, only they are dressed by orderly servants of their own sex;
but always in the presence of a professor or deputy, till they come to dress
themselves, which is at five years old. And if it be found that these nurses
ever presume to entertain the girls with frightful or foolish stories, or
the common follies practised by chambermaids among us, they are publicly
whipped thrice about the city, imprisoned for a year, and banished for life
to the most desolate part of the country. Thus the young ladies are as much
ashamed of being cowards and fools as the men, and despise all personal
ornaments, beyond decency and cleanliness: neither did I perceive any
difference in their education made by their difference of sex, only that
the exercises of the females were not altogether so robust; and that some
rules were given them relating to domestic life, and a smaller compass of
learning was enjoined them: for their maxim is, that among peoples of
quality, a wife should be always a reasonable and agreeable companion,
because she cannot always be young. When the girls are twelve years
old, which among them is the marriageable age, their parents or guardians
take them home, with great expressions of gratitude to the professors, and
seldom without tears of the young lady and her companions.
In the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children
are instructed in all kinds of works proper for their sex, and
their several degrees: those intended for apprentices are dismissed
at seven years old, the rest are kept to eleven.
The meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged,
besides their annual pension, which is as low as possible, to return to the
steward of the nursery a small monthly share of their gettings, to be a
portion for the child; and therefore all parents are limited in their
expenses by the law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be more unjust,
than for people, in subservience to their own appetites, to bring
children into the world, and leave the burthen of supporting them on
the public. As to persons of quality, they give security
to appropriate a certain sum for each child, suitable to their condition;
and these funds are always managed with good husbandry and the most exact
justice.
The cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their business
being only to till and cultivate the earth, and therefore their education is
of little consequence to the public:
but the old and diseased among them, are supported by hospitals; for
begging is a trade unknown in this empire.
And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give
some account of my domestics, and my manner of living in this
country, during a residence of nine months, and thirteen days. Having
a head mechanically turned, and being likewise forced by necessity, I had
made for myself a table and chair convenient enough, out of the largest trees
in the royal park. Two hundred sempstresses were employed to make me
shirts, and linen for my bed and table, all of the strongest and coarsest
kind they could get; which, however, they were forced to quilt together in
several folds, for the thickest was some degrees finer than lawn. Their
linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet make a piece.
The sempstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one standing at
my neck, and another at my mid-leg, with a strong cord extended, that each
held by the end, while a third measured the length of the cord with a rule of
an inch long. Then they measured my right thumb, and desired no more;
for by a mathematical computation, that twice round the thumb is
once round the wrist, and so on to the neck and the waist, and by the help
of my old shirt, which I displayed on the ground before them for a pattern,
they fitted me exactly. Three hundred tailors were employed in the same
manner to make me clothes; but they had another contrivance for taking my
measure. I kneeled down, and they raised a ladder from the ground to my
neck; upon this ladder one of them mounted, and let fall a plumb-line from my
collar to the floor, which just answered the length of my coat: but
my waist and arms I measured myself. When my clothes were
finished, which was done in my house (for the largest of theirs would
not have been able to hold them), they looked like the patch-work made by
the ladies in England, only that mine were all of a colour.
I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals, in little convenient
huts built about my house, where they and their families lived, and prepared
me two dishes a-piece. I took up twenty waiters in my hand, and placed
them on the table: a hundred more attended below on the ground, some
with dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and other liquors slung
on their shoulders; all which the waiters above drew up, as I wanted, in a
very ingenious manner, by certain cords, as we draw the bucket up a well in
Europe. A dish of their meat was a good mouthful, and a barrel of their
liquor a reasonable draught. Their mutton yields to ours, but their beef is
excellent. I have had a sirloin so large, that I have been forced to
make three bites of it; but this is rare. My servants were astonished
to see me eat it, bones and all, as in our country we do the leg of a
lark. Their geese and turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I
confess they far exceed ours. Of their smaller fowl I could take up
twenty or thirty at the end of my knife.
One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of
living, desired "that himself and his royal consort, with the
young princes of the blood of both sexes, might have the happiness," as he
was pleased to call it, "of dining with me." They came accordingly, and
I placed them in chairs of state, upon my table, just over against me, with
their guards about them. Flimnap, the lord high treasurer, attended
there likewise with his white staff; and I observed he often looked on me
with a sour countenance, which I would not seem to regard, but ate more
than usual, in honour to my dear country, as well as to fill the
court with admiration. I have some private reasons to believe,
that this visit from his majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me
ill offices to his master. That minister had always been my secret enemy,
though he outwardly caressed me more than was usual to the moroseness of his
nature. He represented to the emperor "the low condition of his treasury;
that he was forced to take up money at a great discount; that exchequer bills
would not circulate under nine per cent. below par; that I had cost
his majesty above a million and a half of SPRUGS" (their greatest gold
coin, about the bigness of a spangle) "and, upon the whole, that it would be
advisable in the emperor to take the first fair occasion of dismissing
me."
I am here obliged to vindicate the reputation of an excellent lady, who
was an innocent sufferer upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy to
be jealous of his wife, from the malice of some evil tongues, who informed
him that her grace had taken a violent affection for my person; and the court
scandal ran for some time, that she once came privately to my lodging.
This I solemnly declare to be a most infamous falsehood, without
any grounds, further than that her grace was pleased to treat me with all
innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own she came often to my
house, but always publicly, nor ever without three more in the coach, who
were usually her sister and young daughter, and some particular acquaintance;
but this was common to many other ladies of the court. And I still
appeal to my servants round, whether they at any time saw a coach at my
door, without knowing what persons were in it. On those
occasions, when a servant had given me notice, my custom was to
go immediately to the door, and, after paying my respects, to take up the
coach and two horses very carefully in my hands (for, if there were six
horses, the postillion always unharnessed four,) and place them on a table,
where I had fixed a movable rim quite round, of five inches high, to prevent
accidents. And I have often had four coaches and horses at once on my
table, full of company, while I sat in my chair, leaning my face towards
them; and when I was engaged with one set, the coachmen would gently drive
the others round my table. I have passed many an afternoon very
agreeably in these conversations. But I defy the treasurer, or his two
informers (I will name them, and let them make the best of it) Clustril and
Drunlo, to prove that any person ever came to me INCOGNITO, except the
secretary Reldresal, who was sent by express command of his imperial majesty,
as I have before related. I should not have dwelt so long upon this
particular, if it had not been a point wherein the reputation of a great
lady is so nearly concerned, to say nothing of my own; though I then had
the honour to be a NARDAC, which the treasurer himself is not; for all the
world knows, that he is only a GLUMGLUM, a title inferior by one degree, as
that of a marquis is to a duke in England; yet I allow he preceded me in
right of his post. These false informations, which I afterwards came to
the knowledge of by an accident not proper to mention, made the treasurer
show his lady for some time an ill countenance, and me a worse;
and although he was at last undeceived and reconciled to her, yet I lost
all credit with him, and found my interest decline very fast with the emperor
himself, who was, indeed, too much governed by that favourite.
CHAPTER VII.
[The author, being informed of a design to accuse him of high-treason,
makes his escape to Blefuscu. His reception there.]
Before I proceed to give an account of my leaving this kingdom, it
may be proper to inform the reader of a private intrigue which had been for
two months forming against me.
I had been hitherto, all my life, a stranger to courts, for which I was
unqualified by the meanness of my condition. I had indeed heard and
read enough of the dispositions of great princes and ministers, but never
expected to have found such terrible effects of them, in so remote a country,
governed, as I thought, by very different maxims from those in Europe.
When I was just preparing to pay my attendance on the emperor
of Blefuscu, a considerable person at court (to whom I had been
very serviceable, at a time when he lay under the highest displeasure of
his imperial majesty) came to my house very privately at night, in a close
chair, and, without sending his name, desired admittance. The chairmen were
dismissed; I put the chair, with his lordship in it, into my
coat-pocket: and, giving orders to a trusty servant, to say I was
indisposed and gone to sleep, I fastened the door of my house, placed the
chair on the table, according to my usual custom, and sat down by it.
After the common salutations were over, observing his
lordship's countenance full of concern, and inquiring into the reason,
he desired "I would hear him with patience, in a matter that
highly concerned my honour and my life." His speech was to the
following effect, for I took notes of it as soon as he left me:-
"You are to know," said he, "that several committees of council have
been lately called, in the most private manner, on your account; and it is
but two days since his majesty came to a full resolution.
"You are very sensible that Skyresh Bolgolam" (GALBET, or high-admiral)
"has been your mortal enemy, almost ever since your arrival. His
original reasons I know not; but his hatred is increased since your great
success against Blefuscu, by which his glory as admiral is much
obscured. This lord, in conjunction with Flimnap the high-treasurer,
whose enmity against you is notorious on account of his lady, Limtoc the
general, Lalcon the chamberlain, and Balmuff the grand justiciary, have
prepared articles of impeachment against you, for treason and
other capital crimes."
This preface made me so impatient, being conscious of my own merits and
innocence, that I was going to interrupt him; when he entreated me to be
silent, and thus proceeded:--
"Out of gratitude for the favours you have done me, I
procured information of the whole proceedings, and a copy of the
articles; wherein I venture my head for your service.
"'Articles of Impeachment against QUINBUS FLESTRIN,
(the Man-Mountain.)
ARTICLE I.
"'Whereas, by a statute made in the reign of his imperial majesty Calin
Deffar Plune, it is enacted, that, whoever shall make water within the
precincts of the royal palace, shall be liable to the pains and penalties of
high-treason; notwithstanding, the said Quinbus Flestrin, in open breach of
the said law, under colour of extinguishing the fire kindled in the apartment
of his majesty's most dear imperial consort, did maliciously, traitorously,
and devilishly, by discharge of his urine, put out the said fire kindled
in the said apartment, lying and being within the precincts of the said royal
palace, against the statute in that case provided, etc. against the duty,
etc.
ARTICLE II.
"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, having brought the imperial fleet of
Blefuscu into the royal port, and being afterwards commanded by his imperial
majesty to seize all the other ships of the said empire of Blefuscu, and
reduce that empire to a province, to be governed by a viceroy from hence, and
to destroy and put to death, not only all the Big-endian exiles,
but likewise all the people of that empire who would not
immediately forsake the Big-endian heresy, he, the said Flestrin, like
a false traitor against his most auspicious, serene, imperial majesty, did
petition to be excused from the said service, upon pretence of unwillingness
to force the consciences, or destroy the liberties and lives of an innocent
people.
ARTICLE III.
"'That, whereas certain ambassadors arrived from the Court of Blefuscu,
to sue for peace in his majesty's court, he, the said Flestrin, did, like a
false traitor, aid, abet, comfort, and divert, the said ambassadors, although
he knew them to be servants to a prince who was lately an open enemy to his
imperial majesty, and in an open war against his said majesty.
ARTICLE IV.
"'That the said Quinbus Flestrin, contrary to the duty of a faithful
subject, is now preparing to make a voyage to the court and empire of
Blefuscu, for which he has received only verbal license from his imperial
majesty; and, under colour of the said license, does falsely and traitorously
intend to take the said voyage, and thereby to aid, comfort, and abet the
emperor of Blefuscu, so lately an enemy, and in open war with his
imperial majesty aforesaid.'
"There are some other articles; but these are the most important, of
which I have read you an abstract.
"In the several debates upon this impeachment, it must be confessed that
his majesty gave many marks of his great lenity; often urging the services
you had done him, and endeavouring to extenuate your crimes. The
treasurer and admiral insisted that you should be put to the most painful and
ignominious death, by setting fire to your house at night, and the general
was to attend with twenty thousand men, armed with poisoned arrows,
to shoot you on the face and hands. Some of your servants were
to have private orders to strew a poisonous juice on your shirts
and sheets, which would soon make you tear your own flesh, and die in the
utmost torture. The general came into the same opinion; so that for a
long time there was a majority against you; but his majesty resolving, if
possible, to spare your life, at last brought off the chamberlain.
"Upon this incident, Reldresal, principal secretary for private affairs,
who always approved himself your true friend, was commanded by the emperor to
deliver his opinion, which he accordingly did; and therein justified the good
thoughts you have of him. He allowed your crimes to be great, but that
still there was room for mercy, the most commendable virtue in a prince,
and for which his majesty was so justly celebrated. He said,
the friendship between you and him was so well known to the world, that
perhaps the most honourable board might think him partial; however, in
obedience to the command he had received, he would freely offer his
sentiments. That if his majesty, in consideration of your services, and
pursuant to his own merciful disposition, would please to spare your life,
and only give orders to put out both your eyes, he humbly conceived, that
by this expedient justice might in some measure be satisfied, and all the
world would applaud the lenity of the emperor, as well as the fair and
generous proceedings of those who have the honour to be his counsellors. That
the loss of your eyes would be no impediment to your bodily strength, by
which you might still be useful to his majesty; that blindness is an addition
to courage, by concealing dangers from us; that the fear you had for
your eyes, was the greatest difficulty in bringing over the enemy's fleet,
and it would be sufficient for you to see by the eyes of the ministers, since
the greatest princes do no more.
"This proposal was received with the utmost disapprobation by the whole
board. Bolgolam, the admiral, could not preserve his temper, but,
rising up in fury, said, he wondered how the secretary durst presume to give
his opinion for preserving the life of a traitor; that the services you had
performed were, by all true reasons of state, the great aggravation of your
crimes; that you, who were able to extinguish the fire by discharge
of urine in her majesty's apartment (which he mentioned with horror),
might, at another time, raise an inundation by the same means, to drown the
whole palace; and the same strength which enabled you to bring over the
enemy's fleet, might serve, upon the first discontent, to carry it back; that
he had good reasons to think you were a Big-endian in your heart; and, as
treason begins in the heart, before it appears in overt-acts, so
he accused you as a traitor on that account, and therefore insisted you
should be put to death.
"The treasurer was of the same opinion: he showed to what straits
his majesty's revenue was reduced, by the charge of maintaining you, which
would soon grow insupportable; that the secretary's expedient of putting out
your eyes, was so far from being a remedy against this evil, that it would
probably increase it, as is manifest from the common practice of blinding
some kind of fowls, after which they fed the faster, and grew sooner
fat; that his sacred majesty and the council, who are your judges, were,
in their own consciences, fully convinced of your guilt, which was a
sufficient argument to condemn you to death, without the formal proofs
required by the strict letter of the law.
"But his imperial majesty, fully determined against capital punishment,
was graciously pleased to say, that since the council thought the loss of
your eyes too easy a censure, some other way may be inflicted
hereafter. And your friend the secretary, humbly desiring to be heard
again, in answer to what the treasurer had objected, concerning the great
charge his majesty was at in maintaining you, said, that his excellency, who
had the sole disposal of the emperor's revenue, might easily
provide against that evil, by gradually lessening your establishment;
by which, for want of sufficient for you would grow weak and faint, and
lose your appetite, and consequently, decay, and consume in a few months;
neither would the stench of your carcass be then so dangerous, when it should
become more than half diminished; and immediately upon your death five or six
thousand of his majesty's subjects might, in two or three days, cut your
flesh from your bones, take it away by cart-loads, and bury it in distant
parts, to prevent infection, leaving the skeleton as a monument
of admiration to posterity.
"Thus, by the great friendship of the secretary, the whole affair was
compromised. It was strictly enjoined, that the project of starving you
by degrees should be kept a secret; but the sentence of putting out your eyes
was entered on the books; none dissenting, except Bolgolam the admiral, who,
being a creature of the empress, was perpetually instigated by her majesty to
insist upon your death, she having borne perpetual malice against you, on
account of that infamous and illegal method you took to extinguish the fire
in her apartment.
"In three days your friend the secretary will be directed to come to
your house, and read before you the articles of impeachment; and then to
signify the great lenity and favour of his majesty and council, whereby you
are only condemned to the loss of your eyes, which his majesty does not
question you will gratefully and humbly submit to; and twenty of his
majesty's surgeons will attend, in order to see the operation well performed,
by discharging very sharp-pointed arrows into the balls of your eyes, as
you lie on the ground.
"I leave to your prudence what measures you will take; and to avoid
suspicion, I must immediately return in as private a manner as I came."
His lordship did so; and I remained alone, under many doubts
and perplexities of mind.
It was a custom introduced by this prince and his ministry
(very different, as I have been assured, from the practice of
former times,) that after the court had decreed any cruel
execution, either to gratify the monarch's resentment, or the malice of
a favourite, the emperor always made a speech to his whole
council, expressing his great lenity and tenderness, as qualities
known and confessed by all the world. This speech was
immediately published throughout the kingdom; nor did any thing terrify
the people so much as those encomiums on his majesty's mercy; because it
was observed, that the more these praises were enlarged and insisted on, the
more inhuman was the punishment, and the sufferer more innocent. Yet,
as to myself, I must confess, having never been designed for a courtier,
either by my birth or education, I was so ill a judge of things, that I could
not discover the lenity and favour of this sentence, but conceived
it (perhaps erroneously) rather to be rigorous than gentle.
I sometimes thought of standing my trial, for, although I could not deny
the facts alleged in the several articles, yet I hoped they would admit of
some extenuation. But having in my life perused many state-trials, which I
ever observed to terminate as the judges thought fit to direct, I durst not
rely on so dangerous a decision, in so critical a juncture, and against such
powerful enemies. Once I was strongly bent upon resistance, for, while
I had liberty the whole strength of that empire could hardly subdue me,
and I might easily with stones pelt the metropolis to pieces; but I soon
rejected that project with horror, by remembering the oath I had made to the
emperor, the favours I received from him, and the high title of NARDAC he
conferred upon me. Neither had I so soon learned the gratitude of
courtiers, to persuade myself, that his majesty's present seventies acquitted
me of all past obligations.
At last, I fixed upon a resolution, for which it is probable I may incur
some censure, and not unjustly; for I confess I owe the preserving of mine
eyes, and consequently my liberty, to my own great rashness and want of
experience; because, if I had then known the nature of princes and ministers,
which I have since observed in many other courts, and their methods of
treating criminals less obnoxious than myself, I should, with
great alacrity and readiness, have submitted to so easy a punishment. But
hurried on by the precipitancy of youth, and having his imperial majesty's
license to pay my attendance upon the emperor of Blefuscu, I took this
opportunity, before the three days were elapsed, to send a letter to my
friend the secretary, signifying my resolution of setting out that morning
for Blefuscu, pursuant to the leave I had got; and, without waiting for an
answer, I went to that side of the island where our fleet lay. I seized
a large man of war, tied a cable to the prow, and, lifting up the anchors,
I stripped myself, put my clothes (together with my coverlet, which I carried
under my arm) into the vessel, and, drawing it after me, between wading and
swimming arrived at the royal port of Blefuscu, where the people had long
expected me: they lent me two guides to direct me to the capital city,
which is of the same name. I held them in my hands, till I came
within two hundred yards of the gate, and desired them "to signify
my arrival to one of the secretaries, and let him know, I there waited his
majesty's command." I had an answer in about an hour, "that his
majesty, attended by the royal family, and great officers of the court, was
coming out to receive me." I advanced a hundred yards. The
emperor and his train alighted from their horses, the empress and ladies from
their coaches, and I did not perceive they were in any fright or
concern. I lay on the ground to kiss his majesty's and the empress's
hands. I told his majesty, "that I was come according to my promise,
and with the license of the emperor my master, to have the honour of seeing
so mighty a monarch, and to offer him any service in my power, consistent
with my duty to my own prince;" not mentioning a word of my disgrace, because
I had hitherto no regular information of it, and might suppose myself wholly
ignorant of any such design; neither could I reasonably conceive that the
emperor would discover the secret, while I was out of his power;
wherein, however, it soon appeared I was deceived.
I shall not trouble the reader with the particular account of
my reception at this court, which was suitable to the generosity of so
great a prince; nor of the difficulties I was in for want of a house and bed,
being forced to lie on the ground, wrapped up in my coverlet.
CHAPTER VIII.
[The author, by a lucky accident, finds means to leave Blefuscu; and,
after some difficulties, returns safe to his native country.]
Three days after my arrival, walking out of curiosity to
the north-east coast of the island, I observed, about half a league off in
the sea, somewhat that looked like a boat overturned. I pulled off my
shoes and stockings, and, wailing two or three hundred yards, I found the
object to approach nearer by force of the tide; and then plainly saw it to be
a real boat, which I supposed might by some tempest have been driven from a
ship. Whereupon, I returned immediately towards the city, and desired his
imperial majesty to lend me twenty of the tallest vessels he had left, after
the loss of his fleet, and three thousand seamen, under the command of his
vice-admiral. This fleet sailed round, while I went back the shortest
way to the coast, where I first discovered the boat. I found the tide
had driven it still nearer. The seamen were all provided with cordage,
which I had beforehand twisted to a sufficient strength. When the ships
came up, I stripped myself, and waded till I came within a hundred yards
off the boat, after which I was forced to swim till I got up to it. The
seamen threw me the end of the cord, which I fastened to a hole in the
fore-part of the boat, and the other end to a man of war; but I found all my
labour to little purpose; for, being out of my depth, I was not able to
work. In this necessity I was forced to swim behind, and push the boat
forward, as often as I could, with one of my hands; and the tide
favouring me, I advanced so far that I could just hold up my chin and
feel the ground. I rested two or three minutes, and then gave
the boat another shove, and so on, till the sea was no higher than
my arm-pits; and now, the most laborious part being over, I took out my
other cables, which were stowed in one of the ships, and fastened them first
to the boat, and then to nine of the vessels which attended me; the wind
being favourable, the seamen towed, and I shoved, until we arrived within
forty yards of the shore; and, waiting till the tide was out, I got dry to
the boat, and by the assistance of two thousand men, with ropes and engines,
I made a shift to turn it on its bottom, and found it was but little
damaged.
I shall not trouble the reader with the difficulties I was under, by the
help of certain paddles, which cost me ten days making, to get my boat to the
royal port of Blefuscu, where a mighty concourse of people appeared upon my
arrival, full of wonder at the sight of so prodigious a vessel. I told
the emperor "that my good fortune had thrown this boat in my way, to carry me
to some place whence I might return into my native country; and begged his
majesty's orders for getting materials to fit it up, together with his
license to depart;" which, after some kind expostulations, he was pleased to
grant.
I did very much wonder, in all this time, not to have heard of any
express relating to me from our emperor to the court of Blefuscu. But I was
afterward given privately to understand, that his imperial majesty, never
imagining I had the least notice of his designs, believed I was only gone to
Blefuscu in performance of my promise, according to the license he had given
me, which was well known at our court, and would return in a few days,
when the ceremony was ended. But he was at last in pain at my
long absence; and after consulting with the treasurer and the rest of that
cabal, a person of quality was dispatched with the copy of the articles
against me. This envoy had instructions to represent to the monarch of
Blefuscu, "the great lenity of his master, who was content to punish me no
farther than with the loss of mine eyes; that I had fled from justice; and if
I did not return in two hours, I should be deprived of my title of
NARDAC, and declared a traitor." The envoy further added, "that in
order to maintain the peace and amity between both empires, his
master expected that his brother of Blefuscu would give orders to have me
sent back to Lilliput, bound hand and foot, to be punished as a
traitor."
The emperor of Blefuscu, having taken three days to consult, returned an
answer consisting of many civilities and excuses. He said, "that as for
sending me bound, his brother knew it was impossible; that, although I had
deprived him of his fleet, yet he owed great obligations to me for many good
offices I had done him in making the peace. That, however, both their
majesties would soon be made easy; for I had found a prodigious vessel
on the shore, able to carry me on the sea, which he had given orders to
fit up, with my own assistance and direction; and he hoped, in a few weeks,
both empires would be freed from so insupportable an encumbrance."
With this answer the envoy returned to Lilliput; and the monarch of
Blefuscu related to me all that had passed; offering me at the same time (but
under the strictest confidence) his gracious protection, if I would continue
in his service; wherein, although I believed him sincere, yet I resolved
never more to put any confidence in princes or ministers, where I could
possibly avoid it; and therefore, with all due acknowledgments for
his favourable intentions, I humbly begged to be excused. I
told him, "that since fortune, whether good or evil, had thrown a vessel
in my way, I was resolved to venture myself on the ocean, rather than be an
occasion of difference between two such mighty monarchs." Neither did I
find the emperor at all displeased; and I discovered, by a certain accident,
that he was very glad of my resolution, and so were most of his
ministers.
These considerations moved me to hasten my departure somewhat sooner
than I intended; to which the court, impatient to have me gone, very readily
contributed. Five hundred workmen were employed to make two sails to my
boat, according to my directions, by quilting thirteen folds of their
strongest linen together. I was at the pains of making ropes and
cables, by twisting ten, twenty, or thirty of the thickest and strongest
of theirs. A great stone that I happened to find, after a
long search, by the sea-shore, served me for an anchor. I had
the tallow of three hundred cows, for greasing my boat, and
other uses. I was at incredible pains in cutting down some of
the largest timber-trees, for oars and masts, wherein I was, however, much
assisted by his majesty's ship-carpenters, who helped me in smoothing them,
after I had done the rough work.
In about a month, when all was prepared, I sent to receive his majesty's
commands, and to take my leave. The emperor and royal family came out
of the palace; I lay down on my face to kiss his hand, which he very
graciously gave me: so did the empress and young princes of the
blood. His majesty presented me with fifty purses of two hundred SPRUGS
a-piece, together with his picture at full length, which I put immediately
into one of my gloves, to keep it from being hurt. The ceremonies at my
departure were too many to trouble the reader with at this time.
I stored the boat with the carcases of a hundred oxen, and three hundred
sheep, with bread and drink proportionable, and as much meat ready dressed as
four hundred cooks could provide. I took with me six cows and two bulls
alive, with as many ewes and rams, intending to carry them into my own
country, and propagate the breed. And to feed them on board, I had a
good bundle of hay, and a bag of corn. I would gladly have taken a
dozen of the natives, but this was a thing the emperor would by no
means permit; and, besides a diligent search into my pockets, his majesty
engaged my honour "not to carry away any of his subjects, although with their
own consent and desire."
Having thus prepared all things as well as I was able, I set sail on the
twenty-fourth day of September 1701, at six in the morning; and when I had
gone about four-leagues to the northward, the wind being at south-east, at
six in the evening I descried a small island, about half a league to the
north-west. I advanced forward, and cast anchor on the lee-side of the
island, which seemed to be uninhabited. I then took some refreshment,
and went to my rest. I slept well, and as I conjectured at least
six hours, for I found the day broke in two hours after I awaked.
It was a clear night. I ate my breakfast before the sun was up;
and heaving anchor, the wind being favourable, I steered the same course
that I had done the day before, wherein I was directed by my pocket
compass. My intention was to reach, if possible, one of those islands.
which I had reason to believe lay to the north-east of Van Diemen's Land. I
discovered nothing all that day; but upon the next, about three in the
afternoon, when I had by my computation made twenty-four leagues from
Blefuscu, I descried a sail steering to the south-east; my course was
due east. I hailed her, but could get no answer; yet I found
I gained upon her, for the wind slackened. I made all the sail
I could, and in half an hour she spied me, then hung out her ancient, and
discharged a gun. It is not easy to express the joy I was in, upon the
unexpected hope of once more seeing my beloved country, and the dear pledges
I left in it. The ship slackened her sails, and I came up with her
between five and six in the evening, September 26th; but my heart leaped
within me to see her English colours. I put my cows and sheep into my
coat-pockets, and got on board with all my little cargo of provisions.
The vessel was an English merchantman, returning from Japan by the North
and South seas; the captain, Mr. John Biddel, of Deptford, a very civil man,
and an excellent sailor.
We were now in the latitude of 30 degrees south; there were about fifty
men in the ship; and here I met an old comrade of mine, one Peter Williams,
who gave me a good character to the captain. This gentleman treated me with
kindness, and desired I would let him know what place I came from last, and
whither I was bound; which I did in a few words, but he thought I was raving,
and that the dangers I underwent had disturbed my head; whereupon I
took my black cattle and sheep out of my pocket, which, after
great astonishment, clearly convinced him of my veracity. I
then showed him the gold given me by the emperor of Blefuscu,
together with his majesty's picture at full length, and some
other rarities of that country. I gave him two purses of two
hundreds SPRUGS each, and promised, when we arrived in England, to
make him a present of a cow and a sheep big with young.
I shall not trouble the reader with a particular account of this voyage,
which was very prosperous for the most part. We arrived in the Downs on
the 13th of April, 1702. I had only one misfortune, that the rats on
board carried away one of my sheep; I found her bones in a hole, picked clean
from the flesh. The rest of my cattle I got safe ashore, and set them
a-grazing in a bowling-green at Greenwich, where the fineness of the grass
made them feed very heartily, though I had always feared the contrary:
neither could I possibly have preserved them in so long a voyage, if the
captain had not allowed me some of his best biscuit, which, rubbed to powder,
and mingled with water, was their constant food. The short time I
continued in England, I made a considerable profit by showing my cattle to
many persons of quality and others: and before I began my second
voyage, I sold them for six hundred pounds. Since my last return I find
the breed is considerably increased, especially the sheep, which I hope
will prove much to the advantage of the woollen manufacture, by the fineness
of the fleeces.
I stayed but two months with my wife and family, for my insatiable
desire of seeing foreign countries, would suffer me to continue no
longer. I left fifteen hundred pounds with my wife, and fixed her in a
good house at Redriff. My remaining stock I carried with me, part in
money and part in goods, in hopes to improve my fortunes. My eldest uncle
John had left me an estate in land, near Epping, of about thirty pounds a
year; and I had a long lease of the Black Bull in Fetter-Lane, which yielded
me as much more; so that I was not in any danger of leaving my family upon
the parish. My son Johnny, named so after his uncle, was at the
grammar-school, and a towardly child. My daughter Betty (who is now
well married, and has children) was then at her needle-work. I took
leave of my wife, and boy and girl, with tears on both sides, and went on
board the Adventure, a merchant ship of three hundred tons, bound for Surat,
captain John Nicholas, of Liverpool, commander. But my account of this
voyage must be referred to the Second Part of my Travels.
PART II. A VOYAGE TO BROBDINGNAG.
CHAPTER I.
[A great storm described; the long boat sent to fetch water; the author
goes with it to discover the country. He is left on shore, is seized by
one of the natives, and carried to a farmer's house. His reception, with
several accidents that happened there.
A description of the inhabitants.]
Having been condemned, by nature and fortune, to active and restless
life, in two months after my return, I again left my native country, and took
shipping in the Downs, on the 20th day of June, 1702, in the Adventure,
Captain John Nicholas, a Cornish man, commander, bound for Surat. We
had a very prosperous gale, till we arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where
we landed for fresh water; but discovering a leak, we unshipped our goods
and wintered there; for the captain falling sick of an ague, we could not
leave the Cape till the end of March. We then set sail, and had a good
voyage till we passed the Straits of Madagascar; but having got northward of
that island, and to about five degrees south latitude, the winds, which in
those seas are observed to blow a constant equal gale between the north and
west, from the beginning of December to the beginning of May, on the 19th
of April began to blow with much greater violence, and more westerly than
usual, continuing so for twenty days together: during which time, we
were driven a little to the east of the Molucca Islands, and about three
degrees northward of the line, as our captain found by an observation he took
the 2nd of May, at which time the wind ceased, and it was a perfect calm,
whereat I was not a little rejoiced. But he, being a man well experienced in
the navigation of those seas, bid us all prepare against a storm, which
accordingly happened the day following: for the southern wind, called
the southern monsoon, began to set in.
Finding it was likely to overblow, we took in our sprit-sail, and stood
by to hand the fore-sail; but making foul weather, we looked the guns were
all fast, and handed the mizen. The ship lay very broad off, so we
thought it better spooning before the sea, than trying or hulling. We
reefed the fore-sail and set him, and hauled aft the fore-sheet; the helm was
hard a-weather. The ship wore bravely. We belayed the fore down-haul;
but the sail was split, and we hauled down the yard, and got the sail into
the ship, and unbound all the things clear of it. It was a very fierce
storm; the sea broke strange and dangerous. We hauled off upon the
laniard of the whip-staff, and helped the man at the helm. We would not
get down our topmast, but let all stand, because she scudded before the sea
very well, and we knew that the top-mast being aloft, the ship was the
wholesomer, and made better way through the sea, seeing we had
sea-room. When the storm was over, we set fore-sail and main-sail, and
brought the ship to. Then we set the mizen, main-top-sail, and
the fore-top-sail. Our course was east-north-east, the wind was
at south-west. We got the starboard tacks aboard, we cast off
our weather-braces and lifts; we set in the lee-braces, and hauled forward
by the weather-bowlings, and hauled them tight, and belayed them, and hauled
over the mizen tack to windward, and kept her full and by as near as she
would lie.
During this storm, which was followed by a strong wind west-south-west,
we were carried, by my computation, about five hundred leagues to the east,
so that the oldest sailor on board could not tell in what part of the world
we were. Our provisions held out well, our ship was staunch, and our
crew all in good health; but we lay in the utmost distress for water.
We thought it best to hold on the same course, rather than turn
more northerly, which might have brought us to the north-west part
of Great Tartary, and into the Frozen Sea.
On the 16th day of June, 1703, a boy on the top-mast
discovered land. On the 17th, we came in full view of a great island,
or continent (for we knew not whether;) on the south side whereof was a
small neck of land jutting out into the sea, and a creek too shallow to hold
a ship of above one hundred tons. We cast anchor within a league of
this creek, and our captain sent a dozen of his men well armed in the
long-boat, with vessels for water, if any could be found. I desired his
leave to go with them, that I might see the country, and make what
discoveries I could. When we came to land we saw no river or spring,
nor any sign of inhabitants. Our men therefore wandered on the shore
to find out some fresh water near the sea, and I walked alone about a mile
on the other side, where I observed the country all barren and rocky. I
now began to be weary, and seeing nothing to entertain my curiosity, I
returned gently down towards the creek; and the sea being full in my view, I
saw our men already got into the boat, and rowing for life to the ship.
I was going to halloo after them, although it had been to little purpose,
when I observed a huge creature walking after them in the sea, as fast as
he could: he waded not much deeper than his knees, and took prodigious
strides: but our men had the start of him half a league, and, the sea
thereabouts being full of sharp-pointed rocks, the monster was not able to
overtake the boat. This I was afterwards told, for I durst not stay to
see the issue of the adventure; but ran as fast as I could the way I first
went, and then climbed up a steep hill, which gave me some prospect of
the country. I found it fully cultivated; but that which
first surprised me was the length of the grass, which, in those
grounds that seemed to be kept for hay, was about twenty feet high.
I fell into a high road, for so I took it to be, though it served to the
inhabitants only as a foot-path through a field of barley. Here I walked on
for some time, but could see little on either side, it being now near
harvest, and the corn rising at least forty feet. I was an hour walking
to the end of this field, which was fenced in with a hedge of at least one
hundred and twenty feet high, and the trees so lofty that I could make
no computation of their altitude. There was a stile to pass
from this field into the next. It had four steps, and a stone
to cross over when you came to the uppermost. It was impossible
for me to climb this stile, because every step was six-feet high, and the
upper stone about twenty. I was endeavouring to find some gap in the
hedge, when I discovered one of the inhabitants in the next field, advancing
towards the stile, of the same size with him whom I saw in the sea pursuing
our boat. He appeared as tall as an ordinary spire steeple, and took
about ten yards at every stride, as near as I could guess. I was struck
with the utmost fear and astonishment, and ran to hide myself in the corn,
whence I saw him at the top of the stile looking back into the next field
on the right hand, and heard him call in a voice many degrees louder than a
speaking-trumpet: but the noise was so high in the air, that at first I
certainly thought it was thunder. Whereupon seven monsters, like
himself, came towards him with reaping-hooks in their hands, each hook about
the largeness of six scythes. These people were not so well clad
as the first, whose servants or labourers they seemed to be; for, upon
some words he spoke, they went to reap the corn in the field where I
lay. I kept from them at as great a distance as I could, but was forced
to move with extreme difficulty, for the stalks of the corn were sometimes
not above a foot distant, so that I could hardly squeeze my body betwixt
them. However, I made a shift to go forward, till I came to a part of
the field where the corn had been laid by the rain and wind. Here it
was impossible for me to advance a step; for the stalks were so interwoven,
that I could not creep through, and the beards of the fallen ears so
strong and pointed, that they pierced through my clothes into my flesh.
At the same time I heard the reapers not a hundred yards behind me.
Being quite dispirited with toil, and wholly overcome by grief and dispair, I
lay down between two ridges, and heartily wished I might there end my
days. I bemoaned my desolate widow and fatherless children. I
lamented my own folly and wilfulness, in attempting a second voyage, against
the advice of all my friends and relations. In this terrible agitation
of mind, I could not forbear thinking of Lilliput, whose inhabitants
looked upon me as the greatest prodigy that ever appeared in the
world; where I was able to draw an imperial fleet in my hand, and perform
those other actions, which will be recorded for ever in the chronicles of
that empire, while posterity shall hardly believe them, although attested by
millions. I reflected what a mortification it must prove to me, to
appear as inconsiderable in this nation, as one single Lilliputian would be
among us. But this I conceived was to be the least of my misfortunes;
for, as human creatures are observed to be more savage and cruel
in proportion to their bulk, what could I expect but to be a morsel in the
mouth of the first among these enormous barbarians that should happen to
seize me? Undoubtedly philosophers are in the right, when they tell us that
nothing is great or little otherwise than by comparison. It might have
pleased fortune, to have let the Lilliputians find some nation, where the
people were as diminutive with respect to them, as they were to me. And
who knows but that even this prodigious race of mortals might be equally
overmatched in some distant part of the world, whereof we have yet no
discovery.
Scared and confounded as I was, I could not forbear going on with these
reflections, when one of the reapers, approaching within ten yards of the
ridge where I lay, made me apprehend that with the next step I should be
squashed to death under his foot, or cut in two with his reaping-hook.
And therefore, when he was again about to move, I screamed as loud as fear
could make me: whereupon the huge creature trod short, and, looking round
about under him for some time, at last espied me as I lay on
the ground. He considered awhile, with the caution of one
who endeavours to lay hold on a small dangerous animal in such a manner
that it shall not be able either to scratch or bite him, as I myself have
sometimes done with a weasel in England. At length he ventured to take
me behind, by the middle, between his fore-finger and thumb, and brought me
within three yards of his eyes, that he might behold my shape more
perfectly. I guessed his meaning, and my good fortune gave me so much
presence of mind, that I resolved not to struggle in the least as he held
me in the air above sixty feet from the ground, although he grievously
pinched my sides, for fear I should slip through his fingers. All I
ventured was to raise mine eyes towards the sun, and place my hands together
in a supplicating posture, and to speak some words in a humble melancholy
tone, suitable to the condition I then was in: for I apprehended every
moment that he would dash me against the ground, as we usually do any
little hateful animal, which we have a mind to destroy. But my
good star would have it, that he appeared pleased with my voice
and gestures, and began to look upon me as a curiosity, much wondering to
hear me pronounce articulate words, although he could not understand
them. In the mean time I was not able to forbear groaning and shedding
tears, and turning my head towards my sides; letting him know, as well as I
could, how cruelly I was hurt by the pressure of his thumb and finger.
He seemed to apprehend my meaning; for, lifting up the lappet of his coat,
he put me gently into it, and immediately ran along with me to his master,
who was a substantial farmer, and the same person I had first seen in the
field.
The farmer having (as I suppose by their talk) received such an account
of me as his servant could give him, took a piece of a small straw, about the
size of a walking-staff, and therewith lifted up the lappets of my coat;
which it seems he thought to be some kind of covering that nature had given
me. He blew my hairs aside to take a better view of my face. He
called his hinds about him, and asked them, as I afterwards learned, whether
they had ever seen in the fields any little creature that
resembled me. He then placed me softly on the ground upon all fours,
but I got immediately up, and walked slowly backward and forward, to let
those people see I had no intent to run away. They all sat down in a
circle about me, the better to observe my motions. I pulled off my hat,
and made a low bow towards the farmer. I fell on my knees, and lifted
up my hands and eyes, and spoke several words as loud as I could: I
took a purse of gold out of my pocket, and humbly presented it to him.
He received it on the palm of his hand, then applied it close to his eye to
see what it was, and afterwards turned it several times with the point of
a pin (which he took out of his sleeve,) but could make nothing
of it. Whereupon I made a sign that he should place his hand on
the ground. I then took the purse, and, opening it, poured all
the gold into his palm. There were six Spanish pieces of
four pistoles each, beside twenty or thirty smaller coins. I saw
him wet the tip of his little finger upon his tongue, and take up one of
my largest pieces, and then another; but he seemed to be wholly ignorant what
they were. He made me a sign to put them again into my purse, and the
purse again into my pocket, which, after offering it to him several times, I
thought it best to do.
The farmer, by this time, was convinced I must be a
rational creature. He spoke often to me; but the sound of his
voice pierced my ears like that of a water-mill, yet his words
were articulate enough. I answered as loud as I could in
several languages, and he often laid his ear within two yards of me:
but all in vain, for we were wholly unintelligible to each other.
He then sent his servants to their work, and taking his handkerchief out
of his pocket, he doubled and spread it on his left hand, which he placed
flat on the ground with the palm upward, making me a sign to step into it, as
I could easily do, for it was not above a foot in thickness. I thought
it my part to obey, and, for fear of falling, laid myself at full length upon
the handkerchief, with the remainder of which he lapped me up to the head
for further security, and in this manner carried me home to his house.
There he called his wife, and showed me to her; but she screamed and ran
back, as women in England do at the sight of a toad or a spider. However,
when she had a while seen my behaviour, and how well I observed the signs her
husband made, she was soon reconciled, and by degrees grew extremely tender
of me.
It was about twelve at noon, and a servant brought in dinner.
It was only one substantial dish of meat (fit for the plain condition of a
husbandman,) in a dish of about four-and-twenty feet diameter. The company
were, the farmer and his wife, three children, and an old grandmother.
When they were sat down, the farmer placed me at some distance from him on
the table, which was thirty feet high from the floor. I was in a
terrible fright, and kept as far as I could from the edge, for fear of
falling. The wife minced a bit of meat, then crumbled some bread on
a trencher, and placed it before me. I made her a low bow, took out
my knife and fork, and fell to eat, which gave them exceeding delight.
The mistress sent her maid for a small dram cup, which held about two
gallons, and filled it with drink; I took up the vessel with much difficulty
in both hands, and in a most respectful manner drank to her ladyship's
health, expressing the words as loud as I could in English, which made the
company laugh so heartily, that I was almost deafened with the noise.
This liquor tasted like a small cider, and was not unpleasant.
Then the master made me a sign to come to his trencher side; but as
I walked on the table, being in great surprise all the time, as
the indulgent reader will easily conceive and excuse, I happened
to stumble against a crust, and fell flat on my face, but received no
hurt. I got up immediately, and observing the good people to be in much
concern, I took my hat (which I held under my arm out of good manners,) and
waving it over my head, made three huzzas, to show I had got no mischief by
my fall. But advancing forward towards my master (as I shall henceforth
call him,) his youngest son, who sat next to him, an arch boy of about ten
years old, took me up by the legs, and held me so high in the air, that
I trembled every limb: but his father snatched me from him, and
at the same time gave him such a box on the left ear, as would have felled
an European troop of horse to the earth, ordering him to be taken from the
table. But being afraid the boy might owe me a spite, and well
remembering how mischievous all children among us naturally are to sparrows,
rabbits, young kittens, and puppy dogs, I fell on my knees, and pointing to
the boy, made my master to understand, as well as I could, that I desired his
son might be pardoned. The father complied, and the lad took his
seat again, whereupon I went to him, and kissed his hand, which my master
took, and made him stroke me gently with it.
In the midst of dinner, my mistress's favourite cat leaped into her
lap. I heard a noise behind me like that of a dozen stocking-weavers at
work; and turning my head, I found it proceeded from the purring of that
animal, who seemed to be three times larger than an ox, as I computed by the
view of her head, and one of her paws, while her mistress was feeding and
stroking her. The fierceness of this creature's countenance
altogether discomposed me; though I stood at the farther end of the
table, above fifty feet off; and although my mistress held her fast,
for fear she might give a spring, and seize me in her talons. But
it happened there was no danger, for the cat took not the least notice of
me when my master placed me within three yards of her. And as I have been
always told, and found true by experience in my travels, that flying or
discovering fear before a fierce animal, is a certain way to make it pursue
or attack you, so I resolved, in this dangerous juncture, to show no manner
of concern. I walked with intrepidity five or six times before
the very head of the cat, and came within half a yard of her; whereupon
she drew herself back, as if she were more afraid of me: I had less
apprehension concerning the dogs, whereof three or four came into the room,
as it is usual in farmers' houses; one of which was a mastiff, equal in bulk
to four elephants, and another a greyhound, somewhat taller than the mastiff,
but not so large.
When dinner was almost done, the nurse came in with a child of a year
old in her arms, who immediately spied me, and began a squall that you might
have heard from London-Bridge to Chelsea, after the usual oratory of infants,
to get me for a plaything. The mother, out of pure indulgence, took me up,
and put me towards the child, who presently seized me by the middle, and
got my head into his mouth, where I roared so loud that the urchin was
frighted, and let me drop, and I should infallibly have broke my neck, if the
mother had not held her apron under me. The nurse, to quiet her babe,
made use of a rattle which was a kind of hollow vessel filled with great
stones, and fastened by a cable to the child's waist: but all in vain;
so that she was forced to apply the last remedy by giving it suck. I
must confess no object ever disgusted me so much as the sight of
her monstrous breast, which I cannot tell what to compare with, so as to
give the curious reader an idea of its bulk, shape, and colour. It
stood prominent six feet, and could not be less than sixteen in
circumference. The nipple was about half the bigness of my head, and
the hue both of that and the dug, so varied with spots, pimples, and
freckles, that nothing could appear more nauseous: for I had a near
sight of her, she sitting down, the more conveniently to give suck, and I
standing on the table. This made me reflect upon the fair skins of our
English ladies, who appear so beautiful to us, only because they are of our
own size, and their defects not to be seen but through a magnifying glass;
where we find by experiment that the smoothest and whitest skins look rough,
and coarse, and ill-coloured.
I remember when I was at Lilliput, the complexion of those diminutive
people appeared to me the fairest in the world; and talking upon this subject
with a person of learning there, who was an intimate friend of mine, he said
that my face appeared much fairer and smoother when he looked on me from the
ground, than it did upon a nearer view, when I took him up in my hand, and
brought him close, which he confessed was at first a very shocking sight. He
said, "he could discover great holes in my skin; that the stumps of my beard
were ten times stronger than the bristles of a boar, and my complexion made
up of several colours altogether disagreeable:" although I must beg leave
to say for myself, that I am as fair as most of my sex and country, and
very little sunburnt by all my travels. On the other side, discoursing
of the ladies in that emperor's court, he used to tell me, "one had freckles;
another too wide a mouth; a third too large a nose;" nothing of which I was
able to distinguish. I confess this reflection was obvious enough;
which, however, I could not forbear, lest the reader might think those
vast creatures were actually deformed: for I must do them the justice to
say, they are a comely race of people, and particularly the features of my
master's countenance, although he was but a farmer, when I beheld him from
the height of sixty feet, appeared very well proportioned.
When dinner was done, my master went out to his labourers, and, as I
could discover by his voice and gesture, gave his wife strict charge to take
care of me. I was very much tired, and disposed to sleep, which my
mistress perceiving, she put me on her own bed, and covered me with a clean
white handkerchief, but larger and coarser than the mainsail of a
man-of-war.
I slept about two hours, and dreamt I was at home with my wife and
children, which aggravated my sorrows when I awaked, and found myself alone
in a vast room, between two and three hundred feet wide, and above two
hundred high, lying in a bed twenty yards wide. My mistress was gone about
her household affairs, and had locked me in. The bed was eight yards
from the floor. Some natural necessities required me to get down; I
durst not presume to call; and if I had, it would have been in vain, with
such a voice as mine, at so great a distance from the room where I lay to
the kitchen where the family kept. While I was under
these circumstances, two rats crept up the curtains, and ran
smelling back-wards and forwards on the bed. One of them came up
almost to my face, whereupon I rose in a fright, and drew out my hanger to
defend myself. These horrible animals had the boldness to attack me on
both sides, and one of them held his fore-feet at my collar; but I had the
good fortune to rip up his belly before he could do me any mischief. He
fell down at my feet; and the other, seeing the fate of his comrade, made his
escape, but not without one good wound on the back, which I gave him as he
fled, and made the blood run trickling from him. After this exploit,
I walked gently to and fro on the bed, to recover my breath and loss of
spirits. These creatures were of the size of a large mastiff, but
infinitely more nimble and fierce; so that if I had taken off my belt before
I went to sleep, I must have infallibly been torn to pieces and devoured. I
measured the tail of the dead rat, and found it to be two yards long, wanting
an inch; but it went against my stomach to drag the carcass off the bed,
where it lay still bleeding; I observed it had yet some life, but with
a strong slash across the neck, I thoroughly despatched it.
Soon after my mistress came into the room, who seeing me all bloody, ran
and took me up in her hand. I pointed to the dead rat, smiling, and
making other signs to show I was not hurt; whereat she was extremely
rejoiced, calling the maid to take up the dead rat with a pair of tongs, and
throw it out of the window. Then she set me on a table, where I showed
her my hanger all bloody, and wiping it on the lappet of my coat, returned
it to the scabbard. I was pressed to do more than one thing
which another could not do for me, and therefore endeavoured to make
my mistress understand, that I desired to be set down on the floor; which
after she had done, my bashfulness would not suffer me to express myself
farther, than by pointing to the door, and bowing several times. The
good woman, with much difficulty, at last perceived what I would be at, and
taking me up again in her hand, walked into the garden, where she set me
down. I went on one side about two hundred yards, and beckoning to her
not to look or to follow me, I hid myself between two leaves of sorrel,
and there discharged the necessities of nature.
I hope the gentle reader will excuse me for dwelling on these and the
like particulars, which, however insignificant they may appear to groveling
vulgar minds, yet will certainly help a philosopher to enlarge his thoughts
and imagination, and apply them to the benefit of public as well as private
life, which was my sole design in presenting this and other accounts of
my travels to the world; wherein I have been chiefly studious of truth,
without affecting any ornaments of learning or of style. But the whole scene
of this voyage made so strong an impression on my mind, and is so deeply
fixed in my memory, that, in committing it to paper I did not omit one
material circumstance: however, upon a strict review, I blotted out several
passages. Of less moment which were in my first copy, for fear of
being censured as tedious and trifling, whereof travellers are
often, perhaps not without justice, accused.
CHAPTER II.
[A description of the farmer's daughter. The author carried to
a market-town, and then to the metropolis. The particulars of
his journey.]
My mistress had a daughter of nine years old, a child of
towardly parts for her age, very dexterous at her needle, and skilful
in dressing her baby. Her mother and she contrived to fit up
the baby's cradle for me against night: the cradle was put into
a small drawer of a cabinet, and the drawer placed upon a hanging shelf
for fear of the rats. This was my bed all the time I staid with those
people, though made more convenient by degrees, as I began to learn their
language and make my wants known. This young girl was so handy, that
after I had once or twice pulled off my clothes before her, she was able to
dress and undress me, though I never gave her that trouble when she would let
me do either myself. She made me seven shirts, and some other linen, of as
fine cloth as could be got, which indeed was coarser than sackcloth; and
these she constantly washed for me with her own hands. She was likewise
my school-mistress, to teach me the language: when I pointed to any
thing, she told me the name of it in her own tongue, so that in a few days I
was able to call for whatever I had a mind to. She was very
good-natured, and not above forty feet high, being little for her age.
She gave me the name of GRILDRIG, which the family took up, and afterwards
the whole kingdom. The word imports what the Latins call
NANUNCULUS, the Italians HOMUNCELETINO, and the English MANNIKIN. To
her I chiefly owe my preservation in that country: we never
parted while I was there; I called her my GLUMDALCLITCH, or little nurse;
and should be guilty of great ingratitude, if I omitted this honourable
mention of her care and affection towards me, which I heartily wish it lay in
my power to requite as she deserves, instead of being the innocent, but
unhappy instrument of her disgrace, as I have too much reason to fear.
It now began to be known and talked of in the neighbourhood, that my
master had found a strange animal in the field, about the bigness of a
SPLACNUCK, but exactly shaped in every part like a human creature; which it
likewise imitated in all its actions; seemed to speak in a little language of
its own, had already learned several words of theirs, went erect upon two
legs, was tame and gentle, would come when it was called, do whatever
it was bid, had the finest limbs in the world, and a complexion fairer
than a nobleman's daughter of three years old. Another farmer, who
lived hard by, and was a particular friend of my master, came on a visit on
purpose to inquire into the truth of this story. I was immediately
produced, and placed upon a table, where I walked as I was commanded, drew my
hanger, put it up again, made my reverence to my master's guest, asked him in
his own language how he did, and told him HE WAS WELCOME, just as
my little nurse had instructed me. This man, who was old and dim-sighted,
put on his spectacles to behold me better; at which I could not forbear
laughing very heartily, for his eyes appeared like the full moon shining into
a chamber at two windows. Our people, who discovered the cause of my
mirth, bore me company in laughing, at which the old fellow was fool enough
to be angry and out of countenance. He had the character of a great
miser; and, to my misfortune, he well deserved it, by the cursed advice
he gave my master, to show me as a sight upon a market-day in the next
town, which was half an hour's riding, about two-and-twenty miles from our
house. I guessed there was some mischief when I observed my master and
his friend whispering together, sometimes pointing at me; and my fears made
me fancy that I overheard and understood some of their words. But the
next morning Glumdalclitch, my little nurse, told me the whole matter,
which she had cunningly picked out from her mother. The poor girl
laid me on her bosom, and fell a weeping with shame and grief.
She apprehended some mischief would happen to me from rude vulgar folks,
who might squeeze me to death, or break one of my limbs by taking me in their
hands. She had also observed how modest I was in my nature, how nicely
I regarded my honour, and what an indignity I should conceive it, to be
exposed for money as a public spectacle, to the meanest of the people.
She said, her papa and mamma had promised that Grildrig should be hers; but
now she found they meant to serve her as they did last year, when they
pretended to give her a lamb, and yet, as soon as it was fat, sold it to a
butcher. For my own part, I may truly affirm, that I was less concerned
than my nurse. I had a strong hope, which never left me, that I should
one day recover my liberty: and as to the ignominy of being carried about
for a monster, I considered myself to be a perfect stranger in the country,
and that such a misfortune could never be charged upon me as a reproach,
if ever I should return to England, since the king of Great Britain himself,
in my condition, must have undergone the same distress.
My master, pursuant to the advice of his friend, carried me in a box the
next market-day to the neighbouring town, and took along with him his little
daughter, my nurse, upon a pillion behind him. The box was close on every
side, with a little door for me to go in and out, and a few gimlet holes to
let in air. The girl had been so careful as to put the quilt of her
baby's bed into it, for me to lie down on. However, I was terribly
shaken and discomposed in this journey, though it was but of half an hour:
for the horse went about forty feet at every step and trotted so high,
that the agitation was equal to the rising and falling of a ship in a great
storm, but much more frequent. Our journey was somewhat farther than
from London to St. Alban's. My master alighted at an inn which he used
to frequent; and after consulting awhile with the inn-keeper, and making some
necessary preparations, he hired the GRULTRUD, or crier, to give
notice through the town of a strange creature to be seen at the sign
of the Green Eagle, not so big as a SPLACNUCK (an animal in that country
very finely shaped, about six feet long,) and in every part of the body
resembling a human creature, could speak several words, and perform a hundred
diverting tricks.
I was placed upon a table in the largest room of the inn, which might be
near three hundred feet square. My little nurse stood on a low stool
close to the table, to take care of me, and direct what I should do. My
master, to avoid a crowd, would suffer only thirty people at a time to see
me. I walked about on the table as the girl commanded; she asked me
questions, as far as she knew my understanding of the language reached, and I
answered them as loud as I could. I turned about several times to the
company, paid my humble respects, said THEY WERE WELCOME, and used
some other speeches I had been taught. I took up a thimble
filled with liquor, which Glumdalclitch had given me for a cup, and drank
their health, I drew out my hanger, and flourished with it after the manner
of fencers in England. My nurse gave me a part of a straw, which I
exercised as a pike, having learnt the art in my youth. I was that day
shown to twelve sets of company, and as often forced to act over again the
same fopperies, till I was half dead with weariness and vexation; for those
who had seen me made such wonderful reports, that the people were ready to
break down the doors to come in. My master, for his own
interest, would not suffer any one to touch me except my nurse; and
to prevent danger, benches were set round the table at such a distance as
to put me out of every body's reach. However, an unlucky school-boy
aimed a hazel nut directly at my head, which very narrowly missed me;
otherwise it came with so much violence, that it would have infallibly
knocked out my brains, for it was almost as large as a small pumpkin, but I
had the satisfaction to see the young rogue well beaten, and turned out of
the room.
My master gave public notice that he would show me again the
next market-day; and in the meantime he prepared a convenient vehicle for
me, which he had reason enough to do; for I was so tired with my first
journey, and with entertaining company for eight hours together, that I could
hardly stand upon my legs, or speak a word. It was at least three days before
I recovered my strength; and that I might have no rest at home, all the
neighbouring gentlemen from a hundred miles round, hearing of my fame, came
to see me at my master's own house. There could not be fewer
than thirty persons with their wives and children (for the country is very
populous;) and my master demanded the rate of a full room whenever he showed
me at home, although it were only to a single family; so that for some time I
had but little ease every day of the week (except Wednesday, which is their
Sabbath,) although I were not carried to the town.
My master, finding how profitable I was likely to be, resolved to carry
me to the most considerable cities of the kingdom. Having therefore
provided himself with all things necessary for a long journey, and settled
his affairs at home, he took leave of his wife, and upon the 17th of August,
1703, about two months after my arrival, we set out for the metropolis,
situate near the middle of that empire, and about three thousand miles
distance from our house. My master made his daughter Glumdalclitch
ride behind him. She carried me on her lap, in a box tied about
her waist. The girl had lined it on all sides with the softest
cloth she could get, well quilted underneath, furnished it with her baby's
bed, provided me with linen and other necessaries, and made everything as
convenient as she could. We had no other company but a boy of the
house, who rode after us with the luggage.
My master's design was to show me in all the towns by the way, and to
step out of the road for fifty or a hundred miles, to any village, or person
of quality's house, where he might expect custom. We made easy
journeys, of not above seven or eight score miles a-day; for Glumdalclitch,
on purpose to spare me, complained she was tired with the trotting of the
horse. She often took me out of my box, at my own desire, to give me
air, and show me the country, but always held me fast by
a leading-string. We passed over five or six rivers, many
degrees broader and deeper than the Nile or the Ganges: and there
was hardly a rivulet so small as the Thames at London-bridge.
We were ten weeks in our journey, and I was shown in eighteen large towns,
besides many villages, and private families.
On the 26th day of October we arrived at the metropolis, called in their
language LORBRULGRUD, or Pride of the Universe. My master took a
lodging in the principal street of the city, not far from the royal palace,
and put out bills in the usual form, containing an exact description of my
person and parts. He hired a large room between three and four hundred
feet wide. He provided a table sixty feet in diameter, upon which I was
to act my part, and pallisadoed it round three feet from the edge, and as
many high, to prevent my falling over. I was shown ten times a-day, to
the wonder and satisfaction of all people. I could now speak the
language tolerably well, and perfectly understood every word, that was spoken
to me. Besides, I had learnt their alphabet, and could make a shift to
explain a sentence here and there; for Glumdalclitch had been my instructor
while we were at home, and at leisure hours during our journey. She
carried a little book in her pocket, not much larger than a Sanson's
Atlas; it was a common treatise for the use of young girls, giving a short
account of their religion: out of this she taught me my letters, and
interpreted the words.
CHAPTER III.
[The author sent for to court. The queen buys him of his
master the farmer, and presents him to the king. He disputes with
his majesty's great scholars. An apartment at court provided for
the author. He is in high favour with the queen. He stands up
for the honour of his own country. His quarrels with the
queen's dwarf.]
The frequent labours I underwent every day, made, in a few weeks, a
very considerable change in my health: the more my master got by me,
the more insatiable he grew. I had quite lost my stomach, and was
almost reduced to a skeleton. The farmer observed it, and concluding I
must soon die, resolved to make as good a hand of me as he could. While
he was thus reasoning and resolving with himself, a SARDRAL, or
gentleman-usher, came from court, commanding my master to carry me
immediately thither for the diversion of the queen and her ladies. Some
of the latter had already been to see me, and reported strange things of my
beauty, behaviour, and good sense. Her majesty, and those who
attended her, were beyond measure delighted with my demeanour. I fell
on my knees, and begged the honour of kissing her imperial foot; but this
gracious princess held out her little finger towards me, after I was set on
the table, which I embraced in both my arms, and put the tip of it with the
utmost respect to my lip. She made me some general questions about my
country and my travels, which I answered as distinctly, and in as few words
as I could. She asked, "whether I could be content to live at court?"
I bowed down to the board of the table, and humbly answered "that I was my
master's slave: but, if I were at my own disposal, I should be proud to
devote my life to her majesty's service." She then asked my master,
"whether he was willing to sell me at a good price?" He, who
apprehended I could not live a month, was ready enough to part with me, and
demanded a thousand pieces of gold, which were ordered him on the spot, each
piece being about the bigness of eight hundred moidores; but allowing for
the proportion of all things between that country and Europe, and the high
price of gold among them, was hardly so great a sum as a thousand guineas
would be in England. I then said to the queen, "since I was now her
majesty's most humble creature and vassal, I must beg the favour, that
Glumdalclitch, who had always tended me with so much care and kindness, and
understood to do it so well, might be admitted into her service, and continue
to be my nurse and instructor."
Her majesty agreed to my petition, and easily got the farmer's consent,
who was glad enough to have his daughter preferred at court, and the poor
girl herself was not able to hide her joy. My late master withdrew, bidding
me farewell, and saying he had left me in a good service; to which I replied
not a word, only making him a slight bow.
The queen observed my coldness; and, when the farmer was gone out of the
apartment, asked me the reason. I made bold to tell her majesty, "that
I owed no other obligation to my late master, than his not dashing out the
brains of a poor harmless creature, found by chance in his fields:
which obligation was amply recompensed, by the gain he had made in showing me
through half the kingdom, and the price he had now sold me for. That
the life I had since led was laborious enough to kill an animal of ten times
my strength. That my health was much impaired, by the continual drudgery
of entertaining the rabble every hour of the day; and that, if my master had
not thought my life in danger, her majesty would not have got so cheap a
bargain. But as I was out of all fear of being ill-treated under the
protection of so great and good an empress, the ornament of nature, the
darling of the world, the delight of her subjects, the phoenix of the
creation, so I hoped my late master's apprehensions would appear to
be groundless; for I already found my spirits revive, by the influence of
her most august presence."
This was the sum of my speech, delivered with great improprieties and
hesitation. The latter part was altogether framed in the style peculiar
to that people, whereof I learned some phrases from Glumdalclitch, while she
was carrying me to court.
The queen, giving great allowance for my defectiveness in speaking, was,
however, surprised at so much wit and good sense in so diminutive an
animal. She took me in her own hand, and carried me to the king, who
was then retired to his cabinet. His majesty, a prince of much gravity
and austere countenance, not well observing my shape at first view, asked the
queen after a cold manner "how long it was since she grew fond of a
SPLACNUCK?" for such it seems he took me to be, as I lay upon my breast
in her majesty's right hand. But this princess, who has an
infinite deal of wit and humour, set me gently on my feet upon
the scrutoire, and commanded me to give his majesty an account of myself,
which I did in a very few words: and Glumdalclitch who attended at the
cabinet door, and could not endure I should be out of her sight, being
admitted, confirmed all that had passed from my arrival at her father's
house.
The king, although he be as learned a person as any in his dominions,
had been educated in the study of philosophy, and particularly mathematics;
yet when he observed my shape exactly, and saw me walk erect, before I began
to speak, conceived I might be a piece of clock-work (which is in that
country arrived to a very great perfection) contrived by some ingenious
artist. But when he heard my voice, and found what I delivered to be
regular and rational, he could not conceal his astonishment. He was
by no means satisfied with the relation I gave him of the manner I came
into his kingdom, but thought it a story concerted between Glumdalclitch and
her father, who had taught me a set of words to make me sell at a better
price. Upon this imagination, he put several other questions to me, and
still received rational answers: no otherwise defective than by a foreign
accent, and an imperfect knowledge in the language, with some rustic
phrases which I had learned at the farmer's house, and did not suit
the polite style of a court.
His majesty sent for three great scholars, who were then in their weekly
waiting, according to the custom in that country. These gentlemen,
after they had a while examined my shape with much nicety, were of different
opinions concerning me. They all agreed that I could not be produced
according to the regular laws of nature, because I was not framed with a
capacity of preserving my life, either by swiftness, or climbing of trees, or
digging holes in the earth. They observed by my teeth, which they
viewed with great exactness, that I was a carnivorous animal; yet
most quadrupeds being an overmatch for me, and field mice, with
some others, too nimble, they could not imagine how I should be able to
support myself, unless I fed upon snails and other insects, which they
offered, by many learned arguments, to evince that I could not possibly
do. One of these virtuosi seemed to think that I might be an embryo, or
abortive birth. But this opinion was rejected by the other two, who
observed my limbs to be perfect and finished; and that I had lived several
years, as it was manifest from my beard, the stumps whereof they
plainly discovered through a magnifying glass. They would not allow
me to be a dwarf, because my littleness was beyond all degrees
of comparison; for the queen's favourite dwarf, the smallest ever known in
that kingdom, was near thirty feet high. After much debate, they
concluded unanimously, that I was only RELPLUM SCALCATH, which is interpreted
literally LUSUS NATURAE; a determination exactly agreeable to the modern
philosophy of Europe, whose professors, disdaining the old evasion of
occult causes, whereby the followers of Aristotle endeavoured in vain
to disguise their ignorance, have invented this wonderful solution of all
difficulties, to the unspeakable advancement of human knowledge.
After this decisive conclusion, I entreated to be heard a word
or two. I applied myself to the king, and assured his majesty, "that
I came from a country which abounded with several millions of both sexes, and
of my own stature; where the animals, trees, and houses, were all in
proportion, and where, by consequence, I might be as able to defend myself,
and to find sustenance, as any of his majesty's subjects could do here; which
I took for a full answer to those gentlemen's arguments." To this they
only replied with a smile of contempt, saying, "that the farmer
had instructed me very well in my lesson." The king, who had a
much better understanding, dismissing his learned men, sent for
the farmer, who by good fortune was not yet gone out of town.
Having therefore first examined him privately, and then confronted
him with me and the young girl, his majesty began to think that what we
told him might possibly be true. He desired the queen to order that a
particular care should be taken of me; and was of opinion that Glumdalclitch
should still continue in her office of tending me, because he observed we had
a great affection for each other. A convenient apartment was provided for
her at court: she had a sort of governess appointed to take care of her
education, a maid to dress her, and two other servants for menial offices;
but the care of me was wholly appropriated to herself. The
queen commanded her own cabinet-maker to contrive a box, that might serve
me for a bedchamber, after the model that Glumdalclitch and I should agree
upon. This man was a most ingenious artist, and according to my
direction, in three weeks finished for me a wooden chamber of sixteen feet
square, and twelve high, with sash-windows, a door, and two closets, like a
London bed-chamber.
The board, that made the ceiling, was to be lifted up and down by two
hinges, to put in a bed ready furnished by her majesty's upholsterer, which
Glumdalclitch took out every day to air, made it with her own hands, and
letting it down at night, locked up the roof over me. A nice workman,
who was famous for little curiosities, undertook to make me two chairs, with
backs and frames, of a substance not unlike ivory, and two tables, with
a cabinet to put my things in. The room was quilted on all sides, as well
as the floor and the ceiling, to prevent any accident from the carelessness
of those who carried me, and to break the force of a jolt, when I went in a
coach. I desired a lock for my door, to prevent rats and mice from
coming in. The smith, after several attempts, made the smallest that
ever was seen among them, for I have known a larger at the gate of a
gentleman's house in England. I made a shift to keep the key in a
pocket of my own, fearing Glumdalclitch might lose it. The queen
likewise ordered the thinnest silks that could be gotten, to make
me clothes, not much thicker than an English blanket, very cumbersome till
I was accustomed to them. They were after the fashion of the kingdom,
partly resembling the Persian, and partly the Chinese, and are a very grave
and decent habit.
The queen became so fond of my company, that she could not dine without
me. I had a table placed upon the same at which her majesty ate, just
at her left elbow, and a chair to sit on. Glumdalclitch stood on a stool on
the floor near my table, to assist and take care of me. I had an entire
set of silver dishes and plates, and other necessaries, which, in proportion
to those of the queen, were not much bigger than what I have seen in
a London toy-shop for the furniture of a baby-house: these my little
nurse kept in her pocket in a silver box, and gave me at meals as I wanted
them, always cleaning them herself. No person dined with the queen but
the two princesses royal, the eldest sixteen years old, and the younger at
that time thirteen and a month. Her majesty used to put a bit of meat
upon one of my dishes, out of which I carved for myself, and her diversion
was to see me eat in miniature: for the queen (who had indeed but
a weak stomach) took up, at one mouthful, as much as a dozen English
farmers could eat at a meal, which to me was for some time a very nauseous
sight. She would craunch the wing of a lark, bones and all, between her
teeth, although it were nine times as large as that of a full-grown turkey;
and put a bit of bread into her mouth as big as two twelve-penny
loaves. She drank out of a golden cup, above a hogshead at a
draught. Her knives were twice as long as a scythe, set straight upon
the handle. The spoons, forks, and other instruments, were all in the
same proportion. I remember when Glumdalclitch carried me, out of
curiosity, to see some of the tables at court, where ten or a dozen of
those enormous knives and forks were lifted up together, I thought I had
never till then beheld so terrible a sight.
It is the custom, that every Wednesday (which, as I have observed, is
their Sabbath) the king and queen, with the royal issue of both sexes, dine
together in the apartment of his majesty, to whom I was now become a great
favourite; and at these times, my little chair and table were placed at his
left hand, before one of the salt-cellars. This prince took a pleasure
in conversing with me, inquiring into the manners, religion,
laws, government, and learning of Europe; wherein I gave him the
best account I was able. His apprehension was so clear, and his judgment
so exact, that he made very wise reflections and observations upon all I
said. But I confess, that, after I had been a little too copious in
talking of my own beloved country, of our trade and wars by sea and land, of
our schisms in religion, and parties in the state; the prejudices of
his education prevailed so far, that he could not forbear taking me up in
his right hand, and stroking me gently with the other, after a hearty fit of
laughing, asked me, "whether I was a whig or tory?" Then turning to his
first minister, who waited behind him with a white staff, near as tall as the
mainmast of the Royal Sovereign, he observed "how contemptible a thing was
human grandeur, which could be mimicked by such diminutive insects as I:
and yet," says he, "I dare engage these creatures have their titles and
distinctions of honour; they contrive little nests and burrows, that they
call houses and cities; they make a figure in dress and equipage; they love,
they fight, they dispute, they cheat, they betray!" And thus he
continued on, while my colour came and went several times, with indignation,
to hear our noble country, the mistress of arts and arms, the scourge of
France, the arbitress of Europe, the seat of virtue, piety, honour,
and truth, the pride and envy of the world, so
contemptuously treated.
But as I was not in a condition to resent injuries, so upon mature
thoughts I began to doubt whether I was injured or no. For, after having
been accustomed several months to the sight and converse of this people, and
observed every object upon which I cast mine eyes to be of proportionable
magnitude, the horror I had at first conceived from their bulk and aspect was
so far worn off, that if I had then beheld a company of English lords
and ladies in their finery and birth-day clothes, acting their several
parts in the most courtly manner of strutting, and bowing, and prating, to
say the truth, I should have been strongly tempted to laugh as much at them
as the king and his grandees did at me. Neither, indeed, could I
forbear smiling at myself, when the queen used to place me upon her hand
towards a looking-glass, by which both our persons appeared before me
in full view together; and there could be nothing more ridiculous than the
comparison; so that I really began to imagine myself dwindled many degrees
below my usual size.
Nothing angered and mortified me so much as the queen's dwarf; who being
of the lowest stature that was ever in that country (for I verily think he
was not full thirty feet high), became so insolent at seeing a creature so
much beneath him, that he would always affect to swagger and look big as he
passed by me in the queen's antechamber, while I was standing on some table
talking with the lords or ladies of the court, and he seldom failed of
a smart word or two upon my littleness; against which I could only revenge
myself by calling him brother, challenging him to wrestle, and such repartees
as are usually in the mouths of court pages. One day, at dinner, this
malicious little cub was so nettled with something I had said to him, that,
raising himself upon the frame of her majesty's chair, he took me up by
the middle, as I was sitting down, not thinking any harm, and let me drop
into a large silver bowl of cream, and then ran away as fast as he
could. I fell over head and ears, and, if I had not been a good
swimmer, it might have gone very hard with me; for Glumdalclitch in that
instant happened to be at the other end of the room, and the queen was in
such a fright, that she wanted presence of mind to assist me. But my
little nurse ran to my relief, and took me out, after I had swallowed above a
quart of cream. I was put to bed: however, I received no other
damage than the loss of a suit of clothes, which was utterly spoiled. The
dwarf was soundly whipt, and as a farther punishment, forced to drink up the
bowl of cream into which he had thrown me: neither was he ever restored to
favour; for soon after the queen bestowed him on a lady of high quality, so
that I saw him no more, to my very great satisfaction; for I could not tell
to what extremities such a malicious urchin might have carried
his resentment.
He had before served me a scurvy trick, which set the queen a-laughing,
although at the same time she was heartily vexed, and would have immediately
cashiered him, if I had not been so generous as to intercede. Her
majesty had taken a marrow-bone upon her plate, and, after knocking out the
marrow, placed the bone again in the dish erect, as it stood before; the
dwarf, watching his opportunity, while Glumdalclitch was gone to
the side-board, mounted the stool that she stood on to take care of me at
meals, took me up in both hands, and squeezing my legs together, wedged them
into the marrow bone above my waist, where I stuck for some time, and made a
very ridiculous figure. I believe it was near a minute before any one
knew what was become of me; for I thought it below me to cry out. But,
as princes seldom get their meat hot, my legs were not scalded, only
my stockings and breeches in a sad condition. The dwarf, at
my entreaty, had no other punishment than a sound whipping.
I was frequently rallied by the queen upon account of my fearfulness;
and she used to ask me whether the people of my country were as great cowards
as myself? The occasion was this: the kingdom is much pestered with
flies in summer; and these odious insects, each of them as big as a Dunstable
lark, hardly gave me any rest while I sat at dinner, with their
continual humming and buzzing about mine ears. They would sometimes
alight upon my victuals, and leave their loathsome excrement, or
spawn behind, which to me was very visible, though not to the natives of
that country, whose large optics were not so acute as mine, in viewing
smaller objects. Sometimes they would fix upon my nose, or forehead,
where they stung me to the quick, smelling very offensively; and I could
easily trace that viscous matter, which, our naturalists tell us, enables
those creatures to walk with their feet upwards upon a ceiling. I had
much ado to defend myself against these detestable animals, and could not
forbear starting when they came on my face. It was the common
practice of the dwarf, to catch a number of these insects in his hand,
as schoolboys do among us, and let them out suddenly under my nose, on
purpose to frighten me, and divert the queen. My remedy was to cut them
in pieces with my knife, as they flew in the air, wherein my dexterity was
much admired.
I remember, one morning, when Glumdalclitch had set me in a box upon a
window, as she usually did in fair days to give me air (for I durst not
venture to let the box be hung on a nail out of the window, as we do with
cages in England), after I had lifted up one of my sashes, and sat down at my
table to eat a piece of sweet cake for my breakfast, above twenty wasps,
allured by the smell, came flying into the room, humming louder than the
drones of as many bagpipes. Some of them seized my cake, and carried
it piecemeal away; others flew about my head and face, confounding me with
the noise, and putting me in the utmost terror of their stings. However, I
had the courage to rise and draw my hanger, and attack them in the air.
I dispatched four of them, but the rest got away, and I presently shut my
window. These insects were as large as partridges: I took out
their stings, found them an inch and a half long, and as sharp as
needles. I carefully preserved them all; and having since shown them,
with some other curiosities, in several parts of Europe, upon my return
to England I gave three of them to Gresham College, and kept the fourth
for myself.
CHAPTER IV.
[The country described. A proposal for correcting modern maps. The
king's palace; and some account of the metropolis. The author's way of
travelling. The chief temple described.]
I now intend to give the reader a short description of this country,
as far as I travelled in it, which was not above two thousand miles round
Lorbrulgrud, the metropolis. For the queen, whom I always attended,
never went farther when she accompanied the king in his progresses, and there
staid till his majesty returned from viewing his frontiers. The whole
extent of this prince's dominions reaches about six thousand miles in
length, and from three to five in breadth: whence I cannot but
conclude, that our geographers of Europe are in a great error, by
supposing nothing but sea between Japan and California; for it was ever
my opinion, that there must be a balance of earth to counterpoise the
great continent of Tartary; and therefore they ought to correct their maps
and charts, by joining this vast tract of land to the north-west parts of
America, wherein I shall be ready to lend them my assistance.
The kingdom is a peninsula, terminated to the north-east by a ridge of
mountains thirty miles high, which are altogether impassable, by reason of
the volcanoes upon the tops: neither do the most learned know what sort
of mortals inhabit beyond those mountains, or whether they be inhabited at
all. On the three other sides, it is bounded by the ocean. There
is not one sea-port in the whole kingdom: and those parts of the
coasts into which the rivers issue, are so full of pointed rocks, and the
sea generally so rough, that there is no venturing with the smallest of their
boats; so that these people are wholly excluded from any commerce with the
rest of the world. But the large rivers are full of vessels, and abound
with excellent fish; for they seldom get any from the sea, because the sea
fish are of the same size with those in Europe, and consequently not
worth catching; whereby it is manifest, that nature, in the production of
plants and animals of so extraordinary a bulk, is wholly confined to this
continent, of which I leave the reasons to be determined by
philosophers. However, now and then they take a whale that happens to
be dashed against the rocks, which the common people feed on heartily.
These whales I have known so large, that a man could hardly carry one upon
his shoulders; and sometimes, for curiosity, they are brought in hampers
to Lorbrulgrud; I saw one of them in a dish at the king's table, which
passed for a rarity, but I did not observe he was fond of it; for I think,
indeed, the bigness disgusted him, although I have seen one somewhat larger
in Greenland.
The country is well inhabited, for it contains fifty-one cities, near a
hundred walled towns, and a great number of villages. To satisfy my
curious reader, it may be sufficient to describe Lorbrulgrud. This city
stands upon almost two equal parts, on each side the river that passes
through. It contains above eighty thousand houses, and about six
hundred thousand inhabitants. It is in length three GLOMGLUNGS (which
make about fifty-four English miles,) and two and a half in breadth; as
I measured it myself in the royal map made by the king's order, which was
laid on the ground on purpose for me, and extended a hundred feet: I
paced the diameter and circumference several times barefoot, and, computing
by the scale, measured it pretty exactly.
The king's palace is no regular edifice, but a heap of buildings, about
seven miles round: the chief rooms are generally two hundred and forty
feet high, and broad and long in proportion. A coach was allowed to
Glumdalclitch and me, wherein her governess frequently took her out to see
the town, or go among the shops; and I was always of the party, carried in my
box; although the girl, at my own desire, would often take me out, and hold
me in her hand, that I might more conveniently view the houses and
the people, as we passed along the streets. I reckoned our coach
to be about a square of Westminster-hall, but not altogether
so high: however, I cannot be very exact. One day the
governess ordered our coachman to stop at several shops, where the
beggars, watching their opportunity, crowded to the sides of the
coach, and gave me the most horrible spectacle that ever a European
eye beheld. There was a woman with a cancer in her breast,
swelled to a monstrous size, full of holes, in two or three of which
I could have easily crept, and covered my whole body. There was
a fellow with a wen in his neck, larger than five wool-packs; and another,
with a couple of wooden legs, each about twenty feet high. But the most
hateful sight of all, was the lice crawling on their clothes. I could
see distinctly the limbs of these vermin with my naked eye, much better than
those of a European louse through a microscope, and their snouts with which
they rooted like swine. They were the first I had ever beheld, and
I should have been curious enough to dissect one of them, if I had had
proper instruments, which I unluckily left behind me in the ship, although,
indeed, the sight was so nauseous, that it perfectly turned my stomach.
Besides the large box in which I was usually carried, the queen ordered
a smaller one to be made for me, of about twelve feet square, and ten high,
for the convenience of travelling; because the other was somewhat too large
for Glumdalclitch's lap, and cumbersome in the coach; it was made by the same
artist, whom I directed in the whole contrivance. This
travelling-closet was an exact square, with a window in the middle of three
of the squares, and each window was latticed with iron wire on
the outside, to prevent accidents in long journeys. On the
fourth side, which had no window, two strong staples were fixed,
through which the person that carried me, when I had a mind to be
on horseback, put a leathern belt, and buckled it about his waist. This
was always the office of some grave trusty servant, in whom I could confide,
whether I attended the king and queen in their progresses, or were disposed
to see the gardens, or pay a visit to some great lady or minister of state in
the court, when Glumdalclitch happened to be out of order; for I soon began
to be known and esteemed among the greatest officers, I suppose more upon
account of their majesties' favour, than any merit of my own. In
journeys, when I was weary of the coach, a servant on horseback would buckle
on my box, and place it upon a cushion before him; and there I had a full
prospect of the country on three sides, from my three windows. I had,
in this closet, a field-bed and a hammock, hung from the ceiling, two chairs
and a table, neatly screwed to the floor, to prevent being tossed about by
the agitation of the horse or the coach. And having been long used to
sea-voyages, those motions, although sometimes very violent, did not much
discompose me.
Whenever I had a mind to see the town, it was always in
my travelling-closet; which Glumdalclitch held in her lap in a kind of
open sedan, after the fashion of the country, borne by four men, and attended
by two others in the queen's livery. The people, who had often heard of
me, were very curious to crowd about the sedan, and the girl was complaisant
enough to make the bearers stop, and to take me in her hand, that I might be
more conveniently seen.
I was very desirous to see the chief temple, and particularly the tower
belonging to it, which is reckoned the highest in the kingdom.
Accordingly one day my nurse carried me thither, but I may truly say I came
back disappointed; for the height is not above three thousand feet, reckoning
from the ground to the highest pinnacle top; which, allowing for the
difference between the size of those people and us in Europe, is no great
matter for admiration, nor at all equal in proportion (if I
rightly remember) to Salisbury steeple. But, not to detract from
a nation, to which, during my life, I shall acknowledge myself extremely
obliged, it must be allowed, that whatever this famous tower wants in height,
is amply made up in beauty and strength: for the walls are near a hundred
feet thick, built of hewn stone, whereof each is about forty feet square, and
adorned on all sides with statues of gods and emperors, cut in marble, larger
than the life, placed in their several niches. I measured a little
finger which had fallen down from one of these statues, and
lay unperceived among some rubbish, and found it exactly four feet and an
inch in length. Glumdalclitch wrapped it up in her handkerchief, and carried
it home in her pocket, to keep among other trinkets, of which the girl was
very fond, as children at her age usually are.
The king's kitchen is indeed a noble building, vaulted at top, and about
six hundred feet high. The great oven is not so wide, by ten paces, as
the cupola at St. Paul's: for I measured the latter on purpose, after
my return. But if I should describe the kitchen grate, the prodigious
pots and kettles, the joints of meat turning on the spits, with many other
particulars, perhaps I should be hardly believed; at least a severe critic
would be apt to think I enlarged a little, as travellers are often
suspected to do. To avoid which censure I fear I have run too much
into the other extreme; and that if this treatise should happen to
be translated into the language of Brobdingnag (which is the general name
of that kingdom,) and transmitted thither, the king and his people would have
reason to complain that I had done them an injury, by a false and diminutive
representation.
His majesty seldom keeps above six hundred horses in his stables: they
are generally from fifty-four to sixty feet high. But, when he goes
abroad on solemn days, he is attended, for state, by a military guard of five
hundred horse, which, indeed, I thought was the most splendid sight that
could be ever beheld, till I saw part of his army in battalia, whereof I
shall find another occasion to speak.
CHAPTER V.
[Several adventurers that happened to the author. The execution of
a criminal. The author shows his skill in navigation.]
I should have lived happy enough in that country, if my littleness
had not exposed me to several ridiculous and troublesome accidents; some of
which I shall venture to relate. Glumdalclitch often carried me into the
gardens of the court in my smaller box, and would sometimes take me out of
it, and hold me in her hand, or set me down to walk. I remember, before
the dwarf left the queen, he followed us one day into those gardens, and
my nurse having set me down, he and I being close together, near some dwarf
apple trees, I must needs show my wit, by a silly allusion between him and
the trees, which happens to hold in their language as it does in ours.
Whereupon, the malicious rogue, watching his opportunity, when I was walking
under one of them, shook it directly over my head, by which a dozen
apples, each of them near as large as a Bristol barrel, came
tumbling about my ears; one of them hit me on the back as I chanced
to stoop, and knocked me down flat on my face; but I received no other
hurt, and the dwarf was pardoned at my desire, because I had given the
provocation.
Another day, Glumdalclitch left me on a smooth grass-plot to divert
myself, while she walked at some distance with her governess. In the
meantime, there suddenly fell such a violent shower of hail, that I was
immediately by the force of it, struck to the ground: and when I was down,
the hailstones gave me such cruel bangs all over the body, as if I had been
pelted with tennis-balls; however, I made a shift to creep on all fours,
and shelter myself, by lying flat on my face, on the lee-side of a border
of lemon-thyme, but so bruised from head to foot, that I could not go abroad
in ten days. Neither is this at all to be wondered at, because nature, in
that country, observing the same proportion through all her operations, a
hailstone is near eighteen hundred times as large as one in Europe; which I
can assert upon experience, having been so curious as to weigh and measure
them.
But a more dangerous accident happened to me in the same garden, when my
little nurse, believing she had put me in a secure place (which I often
entreated her to do, that I might enjoy my own thoughts,) and having left my
box at home, to avoid the trouble of carrying it, went to another part of the
garden with her governess and some ladies of her acquaintance. While
she was absent, and out of hearing, a small white spaniel that belonged to
one of the chief gardeners, having got by accident into the garden, happened
to range near the place where I lay: the dog, following the scent, came
directly up, and taking me in his mouth, ran straight to his master wagging
his tail, and set me gently on the ground. By good fortune he had been
so well taught, that I was carried between his teeth without the
least hurt, or even tearing my clothes. But the poor gardener,
who knew me well, and had a great kindness for me, was in a
terrible fright: he gently took me up in both his hands, and asked me
how I did? but I was so amazed and out of breath, that I could not speak a
word. In a few minutes I came to myself, and he carried me safe to my
little nurse, who, by this time, had returned to the place where she left me,
and was in cruel agonies when I did not appear, nor answer when she
called. She severely reprimanded the gardener on account of his
dog. But the thing was hushed up, and never known at court, for the
girl was afraid of the queen's anger; and truly, as to myself, I thought it
would not be for my reputation, that such a story should go about.
This accident absolutely determined Glumdalclitch never to trust me
abroad for the future out of her sight. I had been long afraid of this
resolution, and therefore concealed from her some little unlucky adventures,
that happened in those times when I was left by myself. Once a kite,
hovering over the garden, made a stoop at me, and if I had not resolutely
drawn my hanger, and run under a thick espalier, he would have certainly
carried me away in his talons. Another time, walking to the top of a
fresh mole-hill, I fell to my neck in the hole, through which that animal
had cast up the earth, and coined some lie, not worth remembering, to excuse
myself for spoiling my clothes. I likewise broke my right shin against
the shell of a snail, which I happened to stumble over, as I was walking
alone and thinking on poor England.
I cannot tell whether I were more pleased or mortified to observe, in
those solitary walks, that the smaller birds did not appear to be at all
afraid of me, but would hop about within a yard's distance, looking for worms
and other food, with as much indifference and security as if no creature at
all were near them. I remember, a thrush had the confidence to snatch out of
my hand, with his bill, a of cake that Glumdalclitch had just given me for
my breakfast. When I attempted to catch any of these birds, they would
boldly turn against me, endeavouring to peck my fingers, which I durst not
venture within their reach; and then they would hop back unconcerned, to hunt
for worms or snails, as they did before. But one day, I took a thick
cudgel, and threw it with all my strength so luckily, at a linnet, that I
knocked him down, and seizing him by the neck with both my hands, ran with
him in triumph to my nurse. However, the bird, who had only been
stunned, recovering himself gave me so many boxes with his wings, on both
sides of my head and body, though I held him at arm's-length, and was out of
the reach of his claws, that I was twenty times thinking to let him go.
But I was soon relieved by one of our servants, who wrung off the bird's
neck, and I had him next day for dinner, by the queen's command. This
linnet, as near as I can remember, seemed to be somewhat larger than
an English swan.
The maids of honour often invited Glumdalclitch to their apartments, and
desired she would bring me along with her, on purpose to have the pleasure of
seeing and touching me. They would often strip me naked from top to
toe, and lay me at full length in their bosoms; wherewith I was much
disgusted because, to say the truth, a very offensive smell came from their
skins; which I do not mention, or intend, to the disadvantage of
those excellent ladies, for whom I have all manner of respect; but
I conceive that my sense was more acute in proportion to my littleness,
and that those illustrious persons were no more disagreeable to their lovers,
or to each other, than people of the same quality are with us in
England. And, after all, I found their natural smell was much more
supportable, than when they used perfumes, under which I immediately swooned
away. I cannot forget, that an intimate friend of mine in Lilliput,
took the freedom in a warm day, when I had used a good deal of
exercise, to complain of a strong smell about me, although I am as
little faulty that way, as most of my sex: but I suppose his faculty
of smelling was as nice with regard to me, as mine was to that of this
people. Upon this point, I cannot forbear doing justice to the queen my
mistress, and Glumdalclitch my nurse, whose persons were as sweet as those of
any lady in England.
That which gave me most uneasiness among these maids of honour (when my
nurse carried me to visit then) was, to see them use me without any manner of
ceremony, like a creature who had no sort of consequence: for they
would strip themselves to the skin, and put on their smocks in my presence,
while I was placed on their toilet, directly before their naked bodies, which
I am sure to me was very far from being a tempting sight, or from giving me
any other emotions than those of horror and disgust: their
skins appeared so coarse and uneven, so variously coloured, when I
saw them near, with a mole here and there as broad as a trencher,
and hairs hanging from it thicker than packthreads, to say nothing farther
concerning the rest of their persons. Neither did they at all scruple,
while I was by, to discharge what they had drank, to the quantity of at least
two hogsheads, in a vessel that held above three tuns. The handsomest
among these maids of honour, a pleasant, frolicsome girl of sixteen, would
sometimes set me astride upon one of her nipples, with many other tricks,
wherein the reader will excuse me for not being over particular. But
I was so much displeased, that I entreated Glumdalclitch to contrive some
excuse for not seeing that young lady any more.
One day, a young gentleman, who was nephew to my nurse's governess, came
and pressed them both to see an execution. It was of a man, who had
murdered one of that gentleman's intimate acquaintance. Glumdalclitch was
prevailed on to be of the company, very much against her inclination, for she
was naturally tender-hearted: and, as for myself, although I abhorred such
kind of spectacles, yet my curiosity tempted me to see something that I
thought must be extraordinary. The malefactor was fixed in a chair upon
a scaffold erected for that purpose, and his head cut off at one blow, with a
sword of about forty feet long. The veins and arteries spouted up such
a prodigious quantity of blood, and so high in the air, that the great JET
D'EAU at Versailles was not equal to it for the time it lasted: and
the head, when it fell on the scaffold floor, gave such a bounce as made
me start, although I was at least half an English mile distant.
The queen, who often used to hear me talk of my sea-voyages, and took
all occasions to divert me when I was melancholy, asked me whether I
understood how to handle a sail or an oar, and whether a little exercise of
rowing might not be convenient for my health? I answered, that I
understood both very well: for although my proper employment had been
to be surgeon or doctor to the ship, yet often, upon a pinch, I was forced to
work like a common mariner. But I could not see how this could be done
in their country, where the smallest wherry was equal to a first-rate man
of war among us; and such a boat as I could manage would never live in any of
their rivers. Her majesty said, if I would contrive a boat, her own
joiner should make it, and she would provide a place for me to sail in.
The fellow was an ingenious workman, and by my instructions, in ten days,
finished a pleasure-boat with all its tackling, able conveniently to
hold eight Europeans. When it was finished, the queen was
so delighted, that she ran with it in her lap to the king, who ordered it
to be put into a cistern full of water, with me in it, by way of trial, where
I could not manage my two sculls, or little oars, for want of room. But
the queen had before contrived another project. She ordered the joiner
to make a wooden trough of three hundred feet long, fifty broad, and
eight deep; which, being well pitched, to prevent leaking, was placed on
the floor, along the wall, in an outer room of the palace. It had a
cock near the bottom to let out the water, when it began to grow stale; and
two servants could easily fill it in half an hour. Here I often used to
row for my own diversion, as well as that of the queen and her ladies, who
thought themselves well entertained with my skill and agility.
Sometimes I would put up my sail, and then my business was only to steer,
while the ladies gave me a gale with their fans; and, when they were weary,
some of their pages would blow my sail forward with their breath, while I
showed my art by steering starboard or larboard as I pleased. When I
had done, Glumdalclitch always carried back my boat into her closet, and hung
it on a nail to dry.
In this exercise I once met an accident, which had like to have cost me
my life; for, one of the pages having put my boat into the trough, the
governess who attended Glumdalclitch very officiously lifted me up, to place
me in the boat: but I happened to slip through her fingers, and should
infallibly have fallen down forty feet upon the floor, if, by the luckiest
chance in the world, I had not been stopped by a corking-pin that stuck in
the good gentlewoman's stomacher; the head of the pin passing between my
shirt and the waistband of my breeches, and thus I was held by the middle in
the air, till Glumdalclitch ran to my relief.
Another time, one of the servants, whose office it was to fill my trough
every third day with fresh water, was so careless as to let a huge frog (not
perceiving it) slip out of his pail. The frog lay concealed till I was
put into my boat, but then, seeing a resting-place, climbed up, and made it
lean so much on one side, that I was forced to balance it with all my weight
on the other, to prevent overturning. When the frog was got in,
it hopped at once half the length of the boat, and then over my head,
backward and forward, daubing my face and clothes with its odious
slime. The largeness of its features made it appear the most deformed
animal that can be conceived. However, I desired Glumdalclitch to let
me deal with it alone. I banged it a good while with one of my sculls,
and at last forced it to leap out of the boat.
But the greatest danger I ever underwent in that kingdom, was from a
monkey, who belonged to one of the clerks of the kitchen. Glumdalclitch had
locked me up in her closet, while she went somewhere upon business, or a
visit. The weather being very warm, the closet-window was left open, as
well as the windows and the door of my bigger box, in which I usually lived,
because of its largeness and conveniency. As I sat quietly meditating
at my table, I heard something bounce in at the closet-window, and
skip about from one side to the other: whereat, although I was
much alarmed, yet I ventured to look out, but not stirring from my seat;
and then I saw this frolicsome animal frisking and leaping up and down, till
at last he came to my box, which he seemed to view with great pleasure and
curiosity, peeping in at the door and every window. I retreated to the
farther corner of my room; or box; but the monkey looking in at every side,
put me in such a fright, that I wanted presence of mind to conceal myself
under the bed, as I might easily have done. After some time spent
in peeping, grinning, and chattering, he at last espied me; and reaching
one of his paws in at the door, as a cat does when she plays with a mouse,
although I often shifted place to avoid him, he at length seized the lappet
of my coat (which being made of that country silk, was very thick and
strong), and dragged me out. He took me up in his right fore-foot and
held me as a nurse does a child she is going to suckle, just as I have seen
the same sort of creature do with a kitten in Europe; and when I
offered to struggle he squeezed me so hard, that I thought it more prudent
to submit. I have good reason to believe, that he took me for a young
one of his own species, by his often stroking my face very gently with his
other paw. In these diversions he was interrupted by a noise at the
closet door, as if somebody were opening it: whereupon he suddenly
leaped up to the window at which he had come in, and thence upon the leads
and gutters, walking upon three legs, and holding me in the fourth, till
he clambered up to a roof that was next to ours. I
heard Glumdalclitch give a shriek at the moment he was carrying me
out. The poor girl was almost distracted: that quarter of the
palace was all in an uproar; the servants ran for ladders; the monkey was
seen by hundreds in the court, sitting upon the ridge of a building, holding
me like a baby in one of his forepaws, and feeding me with the other, by
cramming into my mouth some victuals he had squeezed out of the bag on one
side of his chaps, and patting me when I would not eat; whereat many of the
rabble below could not forbear laughing; neither do I think they
justly ought to be blamed, for, without question, the sight was ridiculous
enough to every body but myself. Some of the people threw up stones,
hoping to drive the monkey down; but this was strictly forbidden, or else,
very probably, my brains had been dashed out.
The ladders were now applied, and mounted by several men; which the
monkey observing, and finding himself almost encompassed, not being able to
make speed enough with his three legs, let me drop on a ridge tile, and made
his escape. Here I sat for some time, five hundred yards from the
ground, expecting every moment to be blown down by the wind, or to fall by my
own giddiness, and come tumbling over and over from the ridge to the eaves;
but an honest lad, one of my nurse's footmen, climbed up, and putting me
into his breeches pocket, brought me down safe.
I was almost choked with the filthy stuff the monkey had crammed down my
throat: but my dear little nurse picked it out of my mouth with a small
needle, and then I fell a-vomiting, which gave me great relief. Yet I
was so weak and bruised in the sides with the squeezes given me by this
odious animal, that I was forced to keep my bed a fortnight. The king,
queen, and all the court, sent every day to inquire after my health; and her
majesty made me several visits during my sickness. The monkey was
killed, and an order made, that no such animal should be kept about
the palace.
When I attended the king after my recovery, to return him thanks for his
favours, he was pleased to rally me a good deal upon this adventure. He
asked me, "what my thoughts and speculations were, while I lay in the
monkey's paw; how I liked the victuals he gave me; his manner of feeding; and
whether the fresh air on the roof had sharpened my stomach." He desired
to know, "what I would have done upon such an occasion in my own
country." I told his majesty, "that in Europe we had no monkeys, except
such as were brought for curiosity from other places, and so small, that
I could deal with a dozen of them together, if they presumed to attack
me. And as for that monstrous animal with whom I was so lately engaged
(it was indeed as large as an elephant), if my fears had suffered me to think
so far as to make use of my hanger," (looking fiercely, and clapping my hand
on the hilt, as I spoke) "when he poked his paw into my chamber, perhaps I
should have given him such a wound, as would have made him glad
to withdraw it with more haste than he put it in." This I
delivered in a firm tone, like a person who was jealous lest his
courage should be called in question. However, my speech
produced nothing else beside a laud laughter, which all the respect due
to his majesty from those about him could not make them contain. This
made me reflect, how vain an attempt it is for a man to endeavour to do
himself honour among those who are out of all degree of equality or
comparison with him. And yet I have seen the moral of my own behaviour
very frequent in England since my return; where a little contemptible varlet,
without the least title to birth, person, wit, or common sense, shall presume
to look with importance, and put himself upon a foot with the greatest
persons of the kingdom.
I was every day furnishing the court with some ridiculous story: and
Glumdalclitch, although she loved me to excess, yet was arch enough to inform
the queen, whenever I committed any folly that she thought would be diverting
to her majesty. The girl, who had been out of order, was carried by her
governess to take the air about an hour's distance, or thirty miles from
town. They alighted out of the coach near a small foot-path in a field,
and Glumdalclitch setting down my travelling box, I went out of it
to walk. There was a cow-dung in the path, and I must need try
my activity by attempting to leap over it. I took a run,
but unfortunately jumped short, and found myself just in the middle up to
my knees. I waded through with some difficulty, and one of the footmen
wiped me as clean as he could with his handkerchief, for I was filthily
bemired; and my nurse confined me to my box, till we returned home; where the
queen was soon informed of what had passed, and the footmen spread it about
the court: so that all the mirth for some days was at my expense.
CHAPTER VI.
[Several contrivances of the author to please the king and queen. He
shows his skill in music. The king inquires into the state of England,
which the author relates to him. The king's observations
thereon.]
I used to attend the king's levee once or twice a week, and
had often seen him under the barber's hand, which indeed was at first very
terrible to behold; for the razor was almost twice as long as an ordinary
scythe. His majesty, according to the custom of the country, was only
shaved twice a-week. I once prevailed on the barber to give me some of
the suds or lather, out of which I picked forty or fifty of the strongest
stumps of hair. I then took a piece of fine wood, and cut it like the
back of a comb, making several holes in it at equal distances with as small
a needle as I could get from Glumdalclitch. I fixed in the stumps so
artificially, scraping and sloping them with my knife toward the points, that
I made a very tolerable comb; which was a seasonable supply, my own being so
much broken in the teeth, that it was almost useless: neither did I
know any artist in that country so nice and exact, as would undertake to make
me another.
And this puts me in mind of an amusement, wherein I spent many of my
leisure hours. I desired the queen's woman to save for me the combings
of her majesty's hair, whereof in time I got a good quantity; and consulting
with my friend the cabinet-maker, who had received general orders to do
little jobs for me, I directed him to make two chair-frames, no larger than
those I had in my box, and to bore little holes with a fine awl, round those
parts where I designed the backs and seats; through these holes I wove the
strongest hairs I could pick out, just after the manner of cane chairs in
England. When they were finished, I made a present of them to her
majesty; who kept them in her cabinet, and used to show them for curiosities,
as indeed they were the wonder of every one that beheld them. The queen
would have me sit upon one of these chairs, but I absolutely refused to obey
her, protesting I would rather die than place a dishonourable part of my
body on those precious hairs, that once adorned her majesty's head. Of
these hairs (as I had always a mechanical genius) I likewise made a neat
little purse, about five feet long, with her majesty's name deciphered in
gold letters, which I gave to Glumdalclitch, by the queen's consent. To
say the truth, it was more for show than use, being not of strength to bear
the weight of the larger coins, and therefore she kept nothing in it
but some little toys that girls are fond of.
The king, who delighted in music, had frequent concerts at court, to
which I was sometimes carried, and set in my box on a table to hear
them: but the noise was so great that I could hardly distinguish the
tunes. I am confident that all the drums and trumpets of a royal army,
beating and sounding together just at your ears, could not equal it. My
practice was to have my box removed from the place where the performers sat,
as far as I could, then to shut the doors and windows of it, and draw
the window curtains; after which I found their music
not disagreeable.
I had learned in my youth to play a little upon the
spinet. Glumdalclitch kept one in her chamber, and a master attended twice
a-week to teach her: I called it a spinet, because it somewhat
resembled that instrument, and was played upon in the same manner. A fancy
came into my head, that I would entertain the king and queen with an English
tune upon this instrument. But this appeared extremely difficult: for
the spinet was near sixty feet long, each key being almost a foot wide, so
that with my arms extended I could not reach to above five keys, and
to press them down required a good smart stroke with my fist, which would
be too great a labour, and to no purpose. The method I contrived was
this: I prepared two round sticks, about the bigness of common cudgels;
they were thicker at one end than the other, and I covered the thicker ends
with pieces of a mouse's skin, that by rapping on them I might neither damage
the tops of the keys nor interrupt the sound. Before the spinet a bench
was placed, about four feet below the keys, and I was put upon
the bench. I ran sideling upon it, that way and this, as fast as
I could, banging the proper keys with my two sticks, and made a shift to
play a jig, to the great satisfaction of both their majesties; but it was the
most violent exercise I ever underwent; and yet I could not strike above
sixteen keys, nor consequently play the bass and treble together, as other
artists do; which was a great disadvantage to my performance.
The king, who, as I before observed, was a prince of
excellent understanding, would frequently order that I should be brought
in my box, and set upon the table in his closet: he would
then command me to bring one of my chairs out of the box, and sit
down within three yards distance upon the top of the cabinet,
which brought me almost to a level with his face. In this manner I
had several conversations with him. I one day took the freedom
to tell his majesty, "that the contempt he discovered towards Europe, and
the rest of the world, did not seem answerable to those excellent qualities
of mind that he was master of; that reason did not extend itself with the
bulk of the body; on the contrary, we observed in our country, that the
tallest persons were usually the least provided with it; that among
other animals, bees and ants had the reputation of more industry, art, and
sagacity, than many of the larger kinds; and that, as inconsiderable as he
took me to be, I hoped I might live to do his majesty some signal
service." The king heard me with attention, and began to conceive a
much better opinion of me than he had ever before. He desired "I would
give him as exact an account of the government of England as I possibly
could; because, as fond as princes commonly are of their own customs (for
so he conjectured of other monarchs, by my former discourses), he should be
glad to hear of any thing that might deserve imitation."
Imagine with thyself, courteous reader, how often I then wished for the
tongue of Demosthenes or Cicero, that might have enabled me to celebrate the
praise of my own dear native country in a style equal to its merits and
felicity.
I began my discourse by informing his majesty, that our
dominions consisted of two islands, which composed three mighty
kingdoms, under one sovereign, beside our plantations in America. I
dwelt long upon the fertility of our soil, and the temperature of
our climate. I then spoke at large upon the constitution of
an English parliament; partly made up of an illustrious body called the
House of Peers; persons of the noblest blood, and of the most ancient and
ample patrimonies. I described that extraordinary care always taken of
their education in arts and arms, to qualify them for being counsellors both
to the king and kingdom; to have a share in the legislature; to be members of
the highest court of judicature, whence there can be no appeal; and to be
champions always ready for the defence of their prince and country,
by their valour, conduct, and fidelity. That these were the ornament
and bulwark of the kingdom, worthy followers of their most renowned
ancestors, whose honour had been the reward of their virtue, from which their
posterity were never once known to degenerate. To these were joined
several holy persons, as part of that assembly, under the title of bishops,
whose peculiar business is to take care of religion, and of those who
instruct the people therein. These were searched and sought out
through the whole nation, by the prince and his wisest counsellors,
among such of the priesthood as were most deservedly distinguished by the
sanctity of their lives, and the depth of their erudition; who were indeed
the spiritual fathers of the clergy and the people.
That the other part of the parliament consisted of an assembly called
the House of Commons, who were all principal gentlemen, freely picked and
culled out by the people themselves, for their great abilities and love of
their country, to represent the wisdom of the whole nation. And that
these two bodies made up the most august assembly in Europe; to whom, in
conjunction with the prince, the whole legislature is committed.
I then descended to the courts of justice; over which the judges, those
venerable sages and interpreters of the law, presided, for determining the
disputed rights and properties of men, as well as for the punishment of vice
and protection of innocence. I mentioned the prudent management of our
treasury; the valour and achievements of our forces, by sea and land. I
computed the number of our people, by reckoning how many millions there
might be of each religious sect, or political party among us. I
did not omit even our sports and pastimes, or any other particular which I
thought might redound to the honour of my country. And I finished all
with a brief historical account of affairs and events in England for about a
hundred years past.
This conversation was not ended under five audiences, each of several
hours; and the king heard the whole with great attention, frequently taking
notes of what I spoke, as well as memorandums of what questions he intended
to ask me.
When I had put an end to these long discources, his majesty, in a sixth
audience, consulting his notes, proposed many doubts, queries, and
objections, upon every article. He asked, "What methods were used to
cultivate the minds and bodies of our young nobility, and in what kind of
business they commonly spent the first and teachable parts of their
lives? What course was taken to supply that assembly, when any noble
family became extinct? What qualifications were necessary in those who are
to be created new lords: whether the humour of the prince, a sum of
money to a court lady, or a design of strengthening a party opposite to
the public interest, ever happened to be the motive in those advancements?
What share of knowledge these lords had in the laws of their country, and how
they came by it, so as to enable them to decide the properties of their
fellow-subjects in the last resort? Whether they were always so free from
avarice, partialities, or want, that a bribe, or some other sinister
view, could have no place among them? Whether those holy lords I
spoke of were always promoted to that rank upon account of their knowledge
in religious matters, and the sanctity of their lives; had never been
compliers with the times, while they were common priests; or slavish
prostitute chaplains to some nobleman, whose opinions they continued
servilely to follow, after they were admitted into that assembly?"
He then desired to know, "What arts were practised in electing those
whom I called commoners: whether a stranger, with a strong purse, might
not influence the vulgar voters to choose him before their own landlord, or
the most considerable gentleman in the neighbourhood? How it came to
pass, that people were so violently bent upon getting into this assembly,
which I allowed to be a great trouble and expense, often to the ruin of
their families, without any salary or pension? because this appeared such
an exalted strain of virtue and public spirit, that his majesty seemed to
doubt it might possibly not be always sincere."
And he desired to know, "Whether such zealous gentlemen could have any
views of refunding themselves for the charges and trouble they were at by
sacrificing the public good to the designs of a weak and vicious prince, in
conjunction with a corrupted ministry?" He multiplied his questions,
and sifted me thoroughly upon every part of this head, proposing
numberless inquiries and objections, which I think it not prudent
or convenient to repeat.
Upon what I said in relation to our courts of justice, his majesty
desired to be satisfied in several points: and this I was the better
able to do, having been formerly almost ruined by a long suit in chancery,
which was decreed for me with costs. He asked, "What time was usually
spent in determining between right and wrong, and what degree of
expense? Whether advocates and orators had liberty to plead in causes
manifestly known to be unjust, vexatious, or oppressive? Whether party,
in religion or politics, were observed to be of any weight in the scale
of justice? Whether those pleading orators were persons educated
in the general knowledge of equity, or only in provincial, national, and
other local customs? Whether they or their judges had any part in
penning those laws, which they assumed the liberty of interpreting, and
glossing upon at their pleasure? Whether they had ever, at different
times, pleaded for and against the same cause, and cited precedents to prove
contrary opinions? Whether they were a rich or a poor
corporation? Whether they received any pecuniary reward for pleading,
or delivering their opinions? And particularly, whether they were ever
admitted as members in the lower senate?"
He fell next upon the management of our treasury; and said, "he thought
my memory had failed me, because I computed our taxes at about five or six
millions a-year, and when I came to mention the issues, he found they
sometimes amounted to more than double; for the notes he had taken were very
particular in this point, because he hoped, as he told me, that the knowledge
of our conduct might be useful to him, and he could not be deceived in his
calculations. But, if what I told him were true, he was still at a loss how a
kingdom could run out of its estate, like a private person." He asked
me, "who were our creditors; and where we found money to pay them?" He
wondered to hear me talk of such chargeable and expensive wars; "that
certainly we must be a quarrelsome people, or live among very bad neighbours,
and that our generals must needs be richer than our kings." He
asked, what business we had out of our own islands, unless upon the score
of trade, or treaty, or to defend the coasts with our fleet?" Above
all, he was amazed to hear me talk of a mercenary standing army, in the midst
of peace, and among a free people. He said, "if we were governed by our own
consent, in the persons of our representatives, he could not imagine of whom
we were afraid, or against whom we were to fight; and would hear
my opinion, whether a private man's house might not be better defended by
himself, his children, and family, than by half-a-dozen rascals, picked up at
a venture in the streets for small wages, who might get a hundred times more
by cutting their throats?"
He laughed at my "odd kind of arithmetic," as he was pleased to call it,
"in reckoning the numbers of our people, by a computation drawn from the
several sects among us, in religion and politics." He said, "he knew no
reason why those, who entertain opinions prejudicial to the public, should be
obliged to change, or should not be obliged to conceal them. And as
it was tyranny in any government to require the first, so it was weakness
not to enforce the second: for a man may be allowed to keep poisons in
his closet, but not to vend them about for cordials."
He observed, "that among the diversions of our nobility and gentry, I
had mentioned gaming: he desired to know at what age this entertainment
was usually taken up, and when it was laid down; how much of their time it
employed; whether it ever went so high as to affect their fortunes; whether
mean, vicious people, by their dexterity in that art, might not arrive at
great riches, and sometimes keep our very nobles in dependence, as well
as habituate them to vile companions, wholly take them from
the improvement of their minds, and force them, by the losses
they received, to learn and practise that infamous dexterity
upon others?"
He was perfectly astonished with the historical account gave him of our
affairs during the last century; protesting "it was only a heap of
conspiracies, rebellions, murders, massacres, revolutions, banishments, the
very worst effects that avarice, faction, hypocrisy, perfidiousness, cruelty,
rage, madness, hatred, envy, lust, malice, and ambition, could
produce."
His majesty, in another audience, was at the pains to recapitulate the
sum of all I had spoken; compared the questions he made with the answers I
had given; then taking me into his hands, and stroking me gently, delivered
himself in these words, which I shall never forget, nor the manner he spoke
them in: "My little friend Grildrig, you have made a most admirable
panegyric upon your country; you have clearly proved, that
ignorance, idleness, and vice, are the proper ingredients for qualifying
a legislator; that laws are best explained, interpreted, and applied, by
those whose interest and abilities lie in perverting, confounding, and
eluding them. I observe among you some lines of an institution, which,
in its original, might have been tolerable, but these half erased, and the
rest wholly blurred and blotted by corruptions. It does not appear,
from all you have said, how any one perfection is required toward the
procurement of any one station among you; much less, that men are ennobled
on account of their virtue; that priests are advanced for their piety or
learning; soldiers, for their conduct or valour; judges, for their integrity;
senators, for the love of their country; or counsellors for their
wisdom. As for yourself," continued the king, "who have spent the
greatest part of your life in travelling, I am well disposed to hope you may
hitherto have escaped many vices of your country. But by what I have
gathered from your own relation, and the answers I have with much
pains wrung and extorted from you, I cannot but conclude the bulk of your
natives to be the most pernicious race of little odious vermin that nature
ever suffered to crawl upon the surface of the earth."
CHAPTER VII.
[The author's love of his country. He makes a proposal of
much advantage to the king, which is rejected. The king's
great ignorance in politics. The learning of that country
very imperfect and confined. The laws, and military affairs,
and parties in the state.]
Nothing but an extreme love of truth could have hindered me
from concealing this part of my story. It was in vain to discover
my resentments, which were always turned into ridicule; and I was forced
to rest with patience, while my noble and beloved country was so injuriously
treated. I am as heartily sorry as any of my readers can possibly be,
that such an occasion was given: but this prince happened to be so
curious and inquisitive upon every particular, that it could not consist
either with gratitude or good manners, to refuse giving him what satisfaction
I was able. Yet thus much I may be allowed to say in my own vindication,
that I artfully eluded many of his questions, and gave to every point a
more favourable turn, by many degrees, than the strictness of truth would
allow. For I have always borne that laudable partiality to my own
country, which Dionysius Halicarnassensis, with so much justice, recommends
to an historian: I would hide the frailties and deformities of my
political mother, and place her virtues and beauties in the most advantageous
light. This was my sincere endeavour in those many discourses I had
with that monarch, although it unfortunately failed of success.
But great allowances should be given to a king, who lives
wholly secluded from the rest of the world, and must therefore
be altogether unacquainted with the manners and customs that most prevail
in other nations: the want of which knowledge will ever produce many
prejudices, and a certain narrowness of thinking, from which we, and the
politer countries of Europe, are wholly exempted. And it would be hard
indeed, if so remote a prince's notions of virtue and vice were to be offered
as a standard for all mankind.
To confirm what I have now said, and further to show the miserable
effects of a confined education, I shall here insert a passage, which will
hardly obtain belief. In hopes to ingratiate myself further into his
majesty's favour, I told him of "an invention, discovered between three and
four hundred years ago, to make a certain powder, into a heap of which, the
smallest spark of fire falling, would kindle the whole in a
moment, although it were as big as a mountain, and make it all fly up
in the air together, with a noise and agitation greater
than thunder. That a proper quantity of this powder rammed into
a hollow tube of brass or iron, according to its bigness, would drive a
ball of iron or lead, with such violence and speed, as nothing was able to
sustain its force. That the largest balls thus discharged, would not only
destroy whole ranks of an army at once, but batter the strongest walls to the
ground, sink down ships, with a thousand men in each, to the bottom of the
sea, and when linked together by a chain, would cut through masts
and rigging, divide hundreds of bodies in the middle, and lay all waste
before them. That we often put this powder into large hollow balls of
iron, and discharged them by an engine into some city we were besieging,
which would rip up the pavements, tear the houses to pieces, burst and throw
splinters on every side, dashing out the brains of all who came near.
That I knew the ingredients very well, which were cheap and common; I
understood the manner of compounding them, and could direct his workmen
how to make those tubes, of a size proportionable to all other things in
his majesty's kingdom, and the largest need not be above a hundred feet long;
twenty or thirty of which tubes, charged with the proper quantity of powder
and balls, would batter down the walls of the strongest town in his dominions
in a few hours, or destroy the whole metropolis, if ever it should pretend
to dispute his absolute commands." This I humbly offered to
his majesty, as a small tribute of acknowledgment, in turn for so many
marks that I had received, of his royal favour and protection.
The king was struck with horror at the description I had given of those
terrible engines, and the proposal I had made. "He was amazed, how so
impotent and grovelling an insect as I" (these were his expressions) "could
entertain such inhuman ideas, and in so familiar a manner, as to appear
wholly unmoved at all the scenes of blood and desolation which I had painted
as the common effects of those destructive machines; whereof," he said,
"some evil genius, enemy to mankind, must have been the
first contriver. As for himself, he protested, that although
few things delighted him so much as new discoveries in art or in nature,
yet he would rather lose half his kingdom, than be privy to such a secret;
which he commanded me, as I valued any life, never to mention any
more."
A strange effect of narrow principles and views! that a prince possessed
of every quality which procures veneration, love, and esteem; of strong
parts, great wisdom, and profound learning, endowed with admirable talents,
and almost adored by his subjects, should, from a nice, unnecessary scruple,
whereof in Europe we can have no conception, let slip an opportunity
put into his hands that would have made him absolute master of the lives,
the liberties, and the fortunes of his people! Neither do I say this,
with the least intention to detract from the many virtues of that excellent
king, whose character, I am sensible, will, on this account, be very much
lessened in the opinion of an English reader: but I take this defect
among them to have risen from their ignorance, by not having hitherto reduced
politics into a science, as the more acute wits of Europe have done.
For, I remember very well, in a discourse one day with the king, when I
happened to say, "there were several thousand books among us written upon the
art of government," it gave him (directly contrary to my intention) a very
mean opinion of our understandings. He professed both to abominate and
despise all mystery, refinement, and intrigue, either in a prince or
a minister. He could not tell what I meant by secrets of
state, where an enemy, or some rival nation, were not in the case.
He confined the knowledge of governing within very narrow bounds,
to common sense and reason, to justice and lenity, to the
speedy determination of civil and criminal causes; with some other obvious
topics, which are not worth considering. And he gave it for his
opinion, "that whoever could make two ears of corn, or two blades of grass,
to grow upon a spot of ground where only one grew before, would deserve
better of mankind, and do more essential service to his country, than the
whole race of politicians put together."
The learning of this people is very defective, consisting only
in morality, history, poetry, and mathematics, wherein they must
be allowed to excel. But the last of these is wholly applied to what
may be useful in life, to the improvement of agriculture, and all mechanical
arts; so that among us, it would be little esteemed. And as to ideas,
entities, abstractions, and transcendentals, I could never drive the least
conception into their heads.
No law in that country must exceed in words the number of letters in
their alphabet, which consists only of two and twenty. But indeed few
of them extend even to that length. They are expressed in the most
plain and simple terms, wherein those people are not mercurial enough to
discover above one interpretation: and to write a comment upon any law,
is a capital crime. As to the decision of civil causes,
or proceedings against criminals, their precedents are so few, that they
have little reason to boast of any extraordinary skill in either.
They have had the art of printing, as well as the Chinese, time out of
mind: but their libraries are not very large; for that of the king,
which is reckoned the largest, does not amount to above a thousand volumes,
placed in a gallery of twelve hundred feet long, whence I had liberty to
borrow what books I pleased. The queen's joiner had contrived in one of
Glumdalclitch's rooms, a kind of wooden machine five-and-twenty feet high,
formed like a standing ladder; the steps were each fifty feet long. It
was indeed a moveable pair of stairs, the lowest end placed at ten feet
distance from the wall of the chamber. The book I had a mind to read,
was put up leaning against the wall: I first mounted to the upper step
of the ladder, and turning my face towards the book, began at the top of the
page, and so walking to the right and left about eight or ten paces,
according to the length of the lines, till I had gotten a little below the
level of mine eyes, and then descending gradually till I came to
the bottom: after which I mounted again, and began the other page
in the same manner, and so turned over the leaf, which I could easily do
with both my hands, for it was as thick and stiff as a pasteboard, and in the
largest folios not above eighteen or twenty feet long.
Their style is clear, masculine, and smooth, but not florid; for they
avoid nothing more than multiplying unnecessary words, or using various
expressions. I have perused many of their books, especially those in
history and morality. Among the rest, I was much diverted with a little
old treatise, which always lay in Glumdalclitch's bed chamber, and belonged
to her governess, a grave elderly gentlewoman, who dealt in writings of
morality and devotion. The book treats of the weakness of human kind,
and is in little esteem, except among the women and the vulgar. However,
I was curious to see what an author of that country could say upon such a
subject. This writer went through all the usual topics of European
moralists, showing "how diminutive, contemptible, and helpless an animal was
man in his own nature; how unable to defend himself from inclemencies of the
air, or the fury of wild beasts: how much he was excelled by one creature
in strength, by another in speed, by a third in foresight, by a fourth in
industry." He added, "that nature was degenerated in these latter
declining ages of the world, and could now produce only small abortive
births, in comparison of those in ancient times." He said "it was very
reasonable to think, not only that the species of men were originally much
larger, but also that there must have been giants in former ages; which, as
it is asserted by history and tradition, so it has been confirmed by huge
bones and skulls, casually dug up in several parts of the kingdom, far
exceeding the common dwindled race of men in our days." He argued,
"that the very laws of nature absolutely required we should have been made,
in the beginning of a size more large and robust; not so liable to
destruction from every little accident, of a tile falling from a house, or a
stone cast from the hand of a boy, or being drowned in a little brook."
From this way of reasoning, the author drew several moral applications,
useful in the conduct of life, but needless here to repeat. For my own
part, I could not avoid reflecting how universally this talent was spread, of
drawing lectures in morality, or indeed rather matter of discontent and
repining, from the quarrels we raise with nature. And I believe, upon
a strict inquiry, those quarrels might be shown as ill-grounded among us
as they are among that people.
As to their military affairs, they boast that the king's army consists
of a hundred and seventy-six thousand foot, and thirty-two thousand
horse: if that may be called an army, which is made up of tradesmen in
the several cities, and farmers in the country, whose commanders are only the
nobility and gentry, without pay or reward. They are indeed perfect enough in
their exercises, and under very good discipline, wherein I saw no
great merit; for how should it be otherwise, where every farmer is under
the command of his own landlord, and every citizen under that of the
principal men in his own city, chosen after the manner of Venice, by
ballot?
I have often seen the militia of Lorbrulgrud drawn out to exercise, in a
great field near the city of twenty miles square. They were in all not above
twenty-five thousand foot, and six thousand horse; but it was impossible for
me to compute their number, considering the space of ground they took
up. A cavalier, mounted on a large steed, might be about ninety
feet high. I have seen this whole body of horse, upon a word
of command, draw their swords at once, and brandish them in the air.
Imagination can figure nothing so grand, so surprising, and
so astonishing! it looked as if ten thousand flashes of lightning were
darting at the same time from every quarter of the sky.
I was curious to know how this prince, to whose dominions there is no
access from any other country, came to think of armies, or to teach his
people the practice of military discipline. But I was soon informed,
both by conversation and reading their histories; for, in the course of many
ages, they have been troubled with the same disease to which the whole race
of mankind is subject; the nobility often contending for power, the
people for liberty, and the king for absolute dominion. All
which, however happily tempered by the laws of that kingdom, have
been sometimes violated by each of the three parties, and have more than
once occasioned civil wars; the last whereof was happily put an end to by
this prince's grand-father, in a general composition; and the militia, then
settled with common consent, has been ever since kept in the strictest
duty.
CHAPTER VIII.
[The king and queen make a progress to the frontiers. The
author attends them. The manner in which he leaves the country
very particularly related. He returns to England.]
I had always a strong impulse that I should some time recover
my liberty, though it was impossible to conjecture by what means, or to
form any project with the least hope of succeeding. The ship in which I
sailed, was the first ever known to be driven within sight of that coast, and
the king had given strict orders, that if at any time another appeared, it
should be taken ashore, and with all its crew and passengers brought in a
tumbril to Lorbrulgrud. He was strongly bent to get me a woman of my
own size, by whom I might propagate the breed: but I think I
should rather have died than undergone the disgrace of leaving a posterity
to be kept in cages, like tame canary-birds, and perhaps, in time, sold about
the kingdom, to persons of quality, for curiosities. I was indeed
treated with much kindness: I was the favourite of a great king and
queen, and the delight of the whole court; but it was upon such a foot as ill
became the dignity of humankind. I could never forget those
domestic pledges I had left behind me. I wanted to be among people,
with whom I could converse upon even terms, and walk about the streets and
fields without being afraid of being trod to death like a frog or a young
puppy. But my deliverance came sooner than I expected, and in a manner
not very common; the whole story and circumstances of which I shall
faithfully relate.
I had now been two years in this country; and about the beginning of the
third, Glumdalclitch and I attended the king and queen, in a progress to the
south coast of the kingdom. I was carried, as usual, in my
travelling-box, which as I have already described, was a very convenient
closet, of twelve feet wide. And I had ordered a hammock to be fixed,
by silken ropes from the four corners at the top, to break the jolts, when a
servant carried me before him on horseback, as I sometimes desired; and would
often sleep in my hammock, while we were upon the road. On the roof
of my closet, not directly over the middle of the hammock, I ordered the
joiner to cut out a hole of a foot square, to give me air in hot weather, as
I slept; which hole I shut at pleasure with a board that drew backward and
forward through a groove.
When we came to our journey's end, the king thought proper to pass a few
days at a palace he has near Flanflasnic, a city within eighteen English
miles of the seaside. Glumdalclitch and I were much fatigued: I
had gotten a small cold, but the poor girl was so ill as to be confined to
her chamber. I longed to see the ocean, which must be the only scene of
my escape, if ever it should happen. I pretended to be worse than I
really was, and desired leave to take the fresh air of the sea, with a page,
whom I was very fond of, and who had sometimes been trusted with me. I
shall never forget with what unwillingness Glumdalclitch consented, nor the
strict charge she gave the page to be careful of me, bursting at the same
time into a flood of tears, as if she had some forboding of what was to
happen. The boy took me out in my box, about half an hours walk from
the palace, towards the rocks on the seashore. I ordered him to set me
down, and lifting up one of my sashes, cast many a wistful melancholy look
towards the sea. I found myself not very well, and told the page that
I had a mind to take a nap in my hammock, which I hoped would do
me good. I got in, and the boy shut the window close down, to
keep out the cold. I soon fell asleep, and all I can conjecture is, while
I slept, the page, thinking no danger could happen, went among the rocks to
look for birds' eggs, having before observed him from my window searching
about, and picking up one or two in the clefts. Be that as it will, I
found myself suddenly awaked with a violent pull upon the ring, which was
fastened at the top of my box for the conveniency of carriage. I felt
my box raised very high in the air, and then borne forward with
prodigious speed. The first jolt had like to have shaken me out of
my hammock, but afterward the motion was easy enough. I called
out several times, as loud as I could raise my voice, but all to
no purpose. I looked towards my windows, and could see nothing
but the clouds and sky. I heard a noise just over my head, like
the clapping of wings, and then began to perceive the woful condition I
was in; that some eagle had got the ring of my box in his beak, with an
intent to let it fall on a rock, like a tortoise in a shell, and then pick
out my body, and devour it: for the sagacity and smell of this bird
enables him to discover his quarry at a great distance, though better
concealed than I could be within a two-inch board.
In a little time, I observed the noise and flutter of wings to increase
very fast, and my box was tossed up and down, like a sign in a windy
day. I heard several bangs or buffets, as I thought given to the eagle
(for such I am certain it must have been that held the ring of my box in his
beak), and then, all on a sudden, felt myself falling perpendicularly down,
for above a minute, but with such incredible swiftness, that I almost lost
my breath. My fall was stopped by a terrible squash, that
sounded louder to my ears than the cataract of Niagara; after which, I was
quite in the dark for another minute, and then my box began to rise so high,
that I could see light from the tops of the windows. I now perceived I
was fallen into the sea. My box, by the weight of my body, the goods
that were in, and the broad plates of iron fixed for strength at the four
corners of the top and bottom, floated about five feet deep in water. I
did then, and do now suppose, that the eagle which flew away with my
box was pursued by two or three others, and forced to let me drop, while
he defended himself against the rest, who hoped to share in the prey.
The plates of iron fastened at the bottom of the box (for those were the
strongest) preserved the balance while it fell, and hindered it from being
broken on the surface of the water. Every joint of it was well grooved; and
the door did not move on hinges, but up and down like a sash, which kept my
closet so tight that very little water came in. I got with
much difficulty out of my hammock, having first ventured to draw back the
slip-board on the roof already mentioned, contrived on purpose to let in air,
for want of which I found myself almost stifled.
How often did I then wish myself with my dear Glumdalclitch, from whom
one single hour had so far divided me! And I may say with truth, that
in the midst of my own misfortunes I could not forbear lamenting my poor
nurse, the grief she would suffer for my loss, the displeasure of the queen,
and the ruin of her fortune. Perhaps many travellers have not been
under greater difficulties and distress than I was at this juncture,
expecting every moment to see my box dashed to pieces, or at least
overset by the first violent blast, or rising wave. A breach in
one single pane of glass would have been immediate death: nor
could any thing have preserved the windows, but the strong lattice wires
placed on the outside, against accidents in travelling. I saw the water
ooze in at several crannies, although the leaks were not considerable, and I
endeavoured to stop them as well as I could. I was not able to lift up
the roof of my closet, which otherwise I certainly should have done, and sat
on the top of it; where I might at least preserve myself some hours longer,
than by being shut up (as I may call it) in the hold. Or if I
escaped these dangers for a day or two, what could I expect but
a miserable death of cold and hunger? I was four hours under
these circumstances, expecting, and indeed wishing, every moment to be my
last.
I have already told the reader that there were two strong staples fixed
upon that side of my box which had no window, and into which the servant, who
used to carry me on horseback, would put a leathern belt, and buckle it about
his waist. Being in this disconsolate state, I heard, or at least
thought I heard, some kind of grating noise on that side of my box where the
staples were fixed; and soon after I began to fancy that the box
was pulled or towed along the sea; for I now and then felt a sort
of tugging, which made the waves rise near the tops of my windows, leaving
me almost in the dark. This gave me some faint hopes of relief,
although I was not able to imagine how it could be brought about. I ventured
to unscrew one of my chairs, which were always fastened to the floor; and
having made a hard shift to screw it down again, directly under the
slipping-board that I had lately opened, I mounted on the chair, and putting
my mouth as near as I could to the hole, I called for help in a loud
voice, and in all the languages I understood. I then fastened
my handkerchief to a stick I usually carried, and thrusting it up the
hole, waved it several times in the air, that if any boat or ship were near,
the seamen might conjecture some unhappy mortal to be shut up in the
box.
I found no effect from all I could do, but plainly perceived my closet
to be moved along; and in the space of an hour, or better, that side of the
box where the staples were, and had no windows, struck against something that
was hard. I apprehended it to be a rock, and found myself tossed more
than ever. I plainly heard a noise upon the cover of my closet, like
that of a cable, and the grating of it as it passed through the ring. I
then found myself hoisted up, by degrees, at least three feet higher than I
was before. Whereupon I again thrust up my stick and
handkerchief, calling for help till I was almost hoarse. In return to
which, I heard a great shout repeated three times, giving me
such transports of joy as are not to be conceived but by those who feel
them. I now heard a trampling over my head, and somebody calling
through the hole with a loud voice, in the English tongue, "If there be any
body below, let them speak." I answered, "I was an Englishman, drawn by
ill fortune into the greatest calamity that ever any creature underwent, and
begged, by all that was moving, to be delivered out of the dungeon I
was in." The voice replied, "I was safe, for my box was fastened
to their ship; and the carpenter should immediately come and saw a hole in
the cover, large enough to pull me out." I answered, "that was
needless, and would take up too much time; for there was no more to be done,
but let one of the crew put his finger into the ring, and take the box out of
the sea into the ship, and so into the captain's cabin." Some of them,
upon hearing me talk so wildly, thought I was mad: others laughed; for
indeed it never came into my head, that I was now got among people of
my own stature and strength. The carpenter came, and in a
few minutes sawed a passage about four feet square, then let down a small
ladder, upon which I mounted, and thence was taken into the ship in a very
weak condition.
The sailors were all in amazement, and asked me a thousand questions,
which I had no inclination to answer. I was equally confounded at the
sight of so many pigmies, for such I took them to be, after having so long
accustomed mine eyes to the monstrous objects I had left. But the
captain, Mr. Thomas Wilcocks, an honest worthy Shropshire man, observing I
was ready to faint, took me into his cabin, gave me a cordial to comfort me,
and made me turn in upon his own bed, advising me to take a little
rest, of which I had great need. Before I went to sleep, I gave him
to understand that I had some valuable furniture in my box, too good to be
lost: a fine hammock, a handsome field-bed, two chairs, a table, and a
cabinet; that my closet was hung on all sides, or rather quilted, with silk
and cotton; that if he would let one of the crew bring my closet into his
cabin, I would open it there before him, and show him my goods. The
captain, hearing me utter these absurdities, concluded I was raving; however
(I suppose to pacify me) he promised to give order as I desired, and going
upon deck, sent some of his men down into my closet, whence (as
I afterwards found) they drew up all my goods, and stripped off
the quilting; but the chairs, cabinet, and bedstead, being screwed to the
floor, were much damaged by the ignorance of the seamen, who tore them up by
force. Then they knocked off some of the boards for the use of the
ship, and when they had got all they had a mind for, let the hull drop into
the sea, which by reason of many breaches made in the bottom and sides, sunk
to rights. And, indeed, I was glad not to have been a spectator of the
havoc they made, because I am confident it would have sensibly touched
me, by bringing former passages into my mind, which I would rather have
forgot.
I slept some hours, but perpetually disturbed with dreams of the place I
had left, and the dangers I had escaped. However, upon waking, I found
myself much recovered. It was now about eight o'clock at night, and the
captain ordered supper immediately, thinking I had already fasted too
long. He entertained me with great kindness, observing me not to look
wildly, or talk inconsistently: and, when we were left alone, desired I
would give him a relation of my travels, and by what accident I came to be
set adrift, in that monstrous wooden chest. He said "that about twelve
o'clock at noon, as he was looking through his glass, he spied it at a
distance, and thought it was a sail, which he had a mind to make, being not
much out of his course, in hopes of buying some biscuit, his own beginning to
fall short. That upon coming nearer, and finding his error, he sent out
his long-boat to discover what it was; that his men came back in a fright,
swearing they had seen a swimming house. That he laughed at their
folly, and went himself in the boat, ordering his men to take a strong cable
along with them. That the weather being calm, he rowed round me several
times, observed my windows and wire lattices that defended them. That he
discovered two staples upon one side, which was all of boards, without any
passage for light. He then commanded his men to row up to that side,
and fastening a cable to one of the staples, ordered them to tow my chest,
as they called it, toward the ship. When it was there, he gave
directions to fasten another cable to the ring fixed in the cover, and to
raise up my chest with pulleys, which all the sailors were not able to do
above two or three feet." He said, "they saw my stick and handkerchief
thrust out of the hole, and concluded that some unhappy man must be shut up
in the cavity." I asked, "whether he or the crew had seen any prodigious
birds in the air, about the time he first discovered me." To which
he answered, that discoursing this matter with the sailors while I was
asleep, one of them said, he had observed three eagles flying towards the
north, but remarked nothing of their being larger than the usual size:" which
I suppose must be imputed to the great height they were at; and he could not
guess the reason of my question. I then asked the captain, "how far he
reckoned we might be from land?" He said, "by the best computation he
could make, we were at least a hundred leagues." I assured him,
"that he must be mistaken by almost half, for I had not left the country
whence I came above two hours before I dropped into the sea." Whereupon he
began again to think that my brain was disturbed, of which he gave me a hint,
and advised me to go to bed in a cabin he had provided. I assured him,
"I was well refreshed with his good entertainment and company, and as much
in my senses as ever I was in my life." He then grew serious,
and desired to ask me freely, "whether I were not troubled in my mind by
the consciousness of some enormous crime, for which I was punished, at the
command of some prince, by exposing me in that chest; as great criminals, in
other countries, have been forced to sea in a leaky vessel, without
provisions: for although he should be sorry to have taken so ill a man
into his ship, yet he would engage his word to set me safe ashore, in the
first port where we arrived." He added, "that his suspicions were
much increased by some very absurd speeches I had delivered at first to
his sailors, and afterwards to himself, in relation to my closet or chest, as
well as by my odd looks and behaviour while I was at supper."
I begged his patience to hear me tell my story, which I faithfully did,
from the last time I left England, to the moment he first discovered
me. And, as truth always forces its way into rational minds, so this
honest worthy gentleman, who had some tincture of learning, and very good
sense, was immediately convinced of my candour and veracity. But
further to confirm all I had said, I entreated him to give order that my
cabinet should be brought, of which I had the key in my pocket; for he
had already informed me how the seamen disposed of my closet.
I opened it in his own presence, and showed him the small collection of
rarities I made in the country from which I had been so strangely
delivered. There was the comb I had contrived out of the stumps of the
king's beard, and another of the same materials, but fixed into a paring of
her majesty's thumb-nail, which served for the back. There was a
collection of needles and pins, from a foot to half a yard long; four wasp
stings, like joiner's tacks; some combings of the queen's hair; a gold
ring, which one day she made me a present of, in a most obliging manner,
taking it from her little finger, and throwing it over my head like a
collar. I desired the captain would please to accept this ring in
return for his civilities; which he absolutely refused. I showed him a
corn that I had cut off with my own hand, from a maid of honour's toe; it was
about the bigness of Kentish pippin, and grown so hard, that when I returned
England, I got it hollowed into a cup, and set in silver. Lastly,
I desired him to see the breeches I had then on, which were made of a
mouse's skin.
I could force nothing on him but a footman's tooth, which I observed him
to examine with great curiosity, and found he had a fancy for it. He
received it with abundance of thanks, more than such a trifle could
deserve. It was drawn by an unskilful surgeon, in a mistake, from one
of Glumdalclitch's men, who was afflicted with the tooth-ache, but it was as
sound as any in his head. I got it cleaned, and put it into my
cabinet. It was about a foot long, and four inches in diameter.
The captain was very well satisfied with this plain relation I had given
him, and said, "he hoped, when we returned to England, I would oblige the
world by putting it on paper, and making it public." My answer was,
"that we were overstocked with books of travels: that nothing could now
pass which was not extraordinary; wherein I doubted some authors less
consulted truth, than their own vanity, or interest, or the diversion
of ignorant readers; that my story could contain little beside common
events, without those ornamental descriptions of strange plants, trees,
birds, and other animals; or of the barbarous customs and idolatry of savage
people, with which most writers abound. However, I thanked him for his
good opinion, and promised to take the matter into my thoughts."
He said "he wondered at one thing very much, which was, to hear me speak
so loud;" asking me "whether the king or queen of that country were thick of
hearing?" I told him, "it was what I had been used to for above two
years past, and that I admired as much at the voices of him and his men, who
seemed to me only to whisper, and yet I could hear them well enough.
But, when I spoke in that country, it was like a man talking in the
streets, to another looking out from the top of a steeple, unless when
I was placed on a table, or held in any person's hand." I told him,
"I had likewise observed another thing, that, when I first got into the ship,
and the sailors stood all about me, I thought they were the most little
contemptible creatures I had ever beheld." For indeed, while I was in
that prince's country, I could never endure to look in a glass, after mine
eyes had been accustomed to such prodigious objects, because the
comparison gave me so despicable a conceit of myself. The captain
said, "that while we were at supper, he observed me to look at every thing
with a sort of wonder, and that I often seemed hardly able to contain my
laughter, which he knew not well how to take, but imputed it to some disorder
in my brain." I answered, "it was very true; and I wondered how I could
forbear, when I saw his dishes of the size of a silver three-pence, a leg of
pork hardly a mouthful, a cup not so big as a nut-shell;" and so I went
on, describing the rest of his household-stuff and provisions, after the
same manner. For, although he queen had ordered a little equipage of
all things necessary for me, while I was in her service, yet my ideas were
wholly taken up with what I saw on every side of me, and I winked at my own
littleness, as people do at their own faults. The captain understood my
raillery very well, and merrily replied with the old English proverb, "that
he doubted mine eyes were bigger than my belly, for he did not observe my
stomach so good, although I had fasted all day;" and, continuing in his
mirth, protested "he would have gladly given a hundred pounds, to have seen
my closet in the eagle's bill, and afterwards in its fall from so great a
height into the sea; which would certainly have been a most astonishing
object, worthy to have the description of it transmitted to future ages:" and
the comparison of Phaeton was so obvious, that he could not
forbear applying it, although I did not much admire the conceit.
The captain having been at Tonquin, was, in his return to England,
driven north-eastward to the latitude of 44 degrees, and longitude of
143. But meeting a trade-wind two days after I came on board him, we
sailed southward a long time, and coasting New Holland, kept our course
west-south-west, and then south-south-west, till we doubled the Cape of Good
Hope. Our voyage was very prosperous, but I shall not trouble the
reader with a journal of it. The captain called in at one or two
ports, and sent in his long-boat for provisions and fresh water; but
I never went out of the ship till we came into the Downs, which was on the
third day of June, 1706, about nine months after my escape. I offered
to leave my goods in security for payment of my freight: but the
captain protested he would not receive one farthing. We took a kind
leave of each other, and I made him promise he would come to see me at my
house in Redriff. I hired a horse and guide for five shillings, which I
borrowed of the captain.
As I was on the road, observing the littleness of the houses, the trees,
the cattle, and the people, I began to think myself in Lilliput. I was
afraid of trampling on every traveller I met, and often called aloud to have
them stand out of the way, so that I had like to have gotten one or two
broken heads for my impertinence.
When I came to my own house, for which I was forced to inquire, one of
the servants opening the door, I bent down to go in, (like a goose under a
gate,) for fear of striking my head. My wife run out to embrace me, but
I stooped lower than her knees, thinking she could otherwise never be able to
reach my mouth. My daughter kneeled to ask my blessing, but I could not
see her till she arose, having been so long used to stand with my head and
eyes erect to above sixty feet; and then I went to take her up with one
hand by the waist. I looked down upon the servants, and one or two
friends who were in the house, as if they had been pigmies and I a giant. I
told my wife, "she had been too thrifty, for I found she had starved herself
and her daughter to nothing." In short, I behaved myself so
unaccountably, that they were all of the captain's opinion when he first saw
me, and concluded I had lost my wits. This I mention as an instance of the
great power of habit and prejudice.
In a little time, I and my family and friends came to a
right understanding: but my wife protested "I should never go to
sea any more;" although my evil destiny so ordered, that she had not power
to hinder me, as the reader may know hereafter. In the mean time, I
here conclude the second part of my unfortunate voyages.
PART III. A VOYAGE TO LAPUTA, BALNIBARBI,
LUGGNAGG, GLUBBDUBDRIB, AND JAPAN.
CHAPTER I.
[The author sets out on his third voyage. Is taken by pirates. The
malice of a Dutchman. His arrival at an island. He is received
into Laputa.]
I had not been at home above ten days, when Captain
William Robinson, a Cornish man, commander of the Hopewell, a stout
ship of three hundred tons, came to my house. I had formerly
been surgeon of another ship where he was master, and a fourth part owner,
in a voyage to the Levant. He had always treated me more like a
brother, than an inferior officer; and, hearing of my arrival, made me a
visit, as I apprehended only out of friendship, for nothing passed more than
what is usual after long absences. But repeating his visits often,
expressing his joy to find I me in good health, asking, "whether I were now
settled for life?" adding, "that he intended a voyage to the East Indies
in two months," at last he plainly invited me, though with some apologies,
to be surgeon of the ship; "that I should have another surgeon under me,
beside our two mates; that my salary should be double to the usual pay; and
that having experienced my knowledge in sea-affairs to be at least equal to
his, he would enter into any engagement to follow my advice, as much as if I
had shared in the command."
He said so many other obliging things, and I knew him to be so honest a
man, that I could not reject this proposal; the thirst I had of seeing the
world, notwithstanding my past misfortunes, continuing as violent as
ever. The only difficulty that remained, was to persuade my wife, whose
consent however I at last obtained, by the prospect of advantage she proposed
to her children.
We set out the 5th day of August, 1706, and arrived at Fort St. George
the 11th of April, 1707. We staid there three weeks to refresh our
crew, many of whom were sick. From thence we went to Tonquin, where the
captain resolved to continue some time, because many of the goods he intended
to buy were not ready, nor could he expect to be dispatched in several
months. Therefore, in hopes to defray some of the charges he must be
at, he bought a sloop, loaded it with several sorts of goods, wherewith
the Tonquinese usually trade to the neighbouring islands, and
putting fourteen men on board, whereof three were of the country,
he appointed me master of the sloop, and gave me power to traffic, while
he transacted his affairs at Tonquin.
We had not sailed above three days, when a great storm arising, we were
driven five days to the north-north-east, and then to the east: after
which we had fair weather, but still with a pretty strong gale from the
west. Upon the tenth day we were chased by two pirates, who soon
overtook us; for my sloop was so deep laden, that she sailed very slow,
neither were we in a condition to defend ourselves.
We were boarded about the same time by both the pirates, who entered
furiously at the head of their men; but finding us all prostrate upon our
faces (for so I gave order), they pinioned us with strong ropes, and setting
guard upon us, went to search the sloop.
I observed among them a Dutchman, who seemed to be of some authority,
though he was not commander of either ship. He knew us by our
countenances to be Englishmen, and jabbering to us in his own language, swore
we should be tied back to back and thrown into the sea. I spoken Dutch
tolerably well; I told him who we were, and begged him, in consideration of
our being Christians and Protestants, of neighbouring countries in strict
alliance, that he would move the captains to take some pity on us.
This inflamed his rage; he repeated his threatenings, and turning to his
companions, spoke with great vehemence in the Japanese language, as I
suppose, often using the word CHRISTIANOS.
The largest of the two pirate ships was commanded by a Japanese captain,
who spoke a little Dutch, but very imperfectly. He came up to me, and
after several questions, which I answered in great humility, he said, "we
should not die." I made the captain a very low bow, and then, turning
to the Dutchman, said, "I was sorry to find more mercy in a heathen, than in
a brother christian." But I had soon reason to repent those foolish
words:
for that malicious reprobate, having often endeavoured in vain
to persuade both the captains that I might be thrown into the sea (which
they would not yield to, after the promise made me that I should not die),
however, prevailed so far, as to have a punishment inflicted on me, worse, in
all human appearance, than death itself. My men were sent by an equal
division into both the pirate ships, and my sloop new manned. As to
myself, it was determined that I should be set adrift in a small canoe,
with paddles and a sail, and four days' provisions; which last,
the Japanese captain was so kind to double out of his own stores,
and would permit no man to search me. I got down into the
canoe, while the Dutchman, standing upon the deck, loaded me with all the
curses and injurious terms his language could afford.
About an hour before we saw the pirates I had taken an observation, and
found we were in the latitude of 46 N. and longitude of 183. When I was at
some distance from the pirates, I discovered, by my pocket-glass, several
islands to the south-east. I set up my sail, the wind being fair, with
a design to reach the nearest of those islands, which I made a shift
to do, in about three hours. It was all rocky: however I got
many birds' eggs; and, striking fire, I kindled some heath and
dry sea-weed, by which I roasted my eggs. I ate no other
supper, being resolved to spare my provisions as much as I could.
I passed the night under the shelter of a rock, strewing some heath under
me, and slept pretty well.
The next day I sailed to another island, and thence to a third and
fourth, sometimes using my sail, and sometimes my paddles. But, not to
trouble the reader with a particular account of my distresses, let it
suffice, that on the fifth day I arrived at the last island in my sight,
which lay south-south-east to the former.
This island was at a greater distance than I expected, and I did not
reach it in less than five hours. I encompassed it almost round, before
I could find a convenient place to land in; which was a small creek, about
three times the wideness of my canoe. I found the island to be all
rocky, only a little intermingled with tufts of grass, and sweet-smelling
herbs. I took out my small provisions and after having refreshed
myself, I secured the remainder in a cave, whereof there were great numbers;
I gathered plenty of eggs upon the rocks, and got a quantity of
dry sea-weed, and parched grass, which I designed to kindle the next day,
and roast my eggs as well as I could, for I had about me my flint, steel,
match, and burning-glass. I lay all night in the cave where I had
lodged my provisions. My bed was the same dry grass and sea-weed which
I intended for fuel. I slept very little, for the disquiets of my mind
prevailed over my weariness, and kept me awake. I considered how
impossible it was to preserve my life in so desolate a place, and how
miserable my end must be: yet found myself so listless and desponding,
that I had not the heart to rise; and before I could get spirits enough
to creep out of my cave, the day was far advanced. I walked
awhile among the rocks: the sky was perfectly clear, and the sun
so hot, that I was forced to turn my face from it: when all on
a sudden it became obscure, as I thought, in a manner very different from
what happens by the interposition of a cloud. I turned back, and
perceived a vast opaque body between me and the sun moving forwards towards
the island: it seemed to be about two miles high, and hid the sun six
or seven minutes; but I did not observe the air to be much colder, or the sky
more darkened, than if I had stood under the shade of a mountain. As
it approached nearer over the place where I was, it appeared to be a firm
substance, the bottom flat, smooth, and shining very bright, from the
reflection of the sea below. I stood upon a height about two hundred
yards from the shore, and saw this vast body descending almost to a parallel
with me, at less than an English mile distance. I took out my pocket
perspective, and could plainly discover numbers of people moving up and down
the sides of it, which appeared to be sloping; but what those people
where doing I was not able to distinguish.
The natural love of life gave me some inward motion of joy, and I was
ready to entertain a hope that this adventure might, some way or other, help
to deliver me from the desolate place and condition I was in. But at
the same time the reader can hardly conceive my astonishment, to behold an
island in the air, inhabited by men, who were able (as it should seem) to
raise or sink, or put it into progressive motion, as they pleased.
But not being at that time in a disposition to philosophise upon
this phenomenon, I rather chose to observe what course the island would
take, because it seemed for awhile to stand still. Yet soon after, it
advanced nearer, and I could see the sides of it encompassed with several
gradations of galleries, and stairs, at certain intervals, to descend from
one to the other. In the lowest gallery, I beheld some people fishing
with long angling rods, and others looking on. I waved my cap (for my
hat was long since worn out) and my handkerchief toward the island; and
upon its nearer approach, I called and shouted with the utmost strength of
my voice; and then looking circumspectly, I beheld a crowd gather to that
side which was most in my view. I found by their pointing towards me
and to each other, that they plainly discovered me, although they made no
return to my shouting. But I could see four or five men running in great
haste, up the stairs, to the top of the island, who then disappeared. I
happened rightly to conjecture, that these were sent for orders to
some person in authority upon this occasion.
The number of people increased, and, in less than half all hour, the
island was moved and raised in such a manner, that the lowest gallery
appeared in a parallel of less then a hundred yards distance from the height
where I stood. I then put myself in the most supplicating posture, and
spoke in the humblest accent, but received no answer. Those who stood
nearest over against me, seemed to be persons of distinction, as I supposed
by their habit. They conferred earnestly with each other, looking
often upon me. At length one of them called out in a clear, polite, smooth
dialect, not unlike in sound to the Italian: and therefore I returned
an answer in that language, hoping at least that the cadence might be more
agreeable to his ears. Although neither of us understood the other, yet
my meaning was easily known, for the people saw the distress I was in.
They made signs for me to come down from the rock, and go towards the
shore, which I accordingly did; and the flying island being raised to a
convenient height, the verge directly over me, a chain was let down from the
lowest gallery, with a seat fastened to the bottom, to which I fixed myself,
and was drawn up by pulleys.
CHAPTER II.
[The humours and dispositions of the Laputians described.
An account of their learning. Of the king and his court.
The author's reception there. The inhabitants subject to fear
and disquietudes. An account of the women.]
Ay my alighting, I was surrounded with a crowd of people, but those
who stood nearest seemed to be of better quality. They beheld me with
all the marks and circumstances of wonder; neither indeed was I much in their
debt, having never till then seen a race of mortals so singular in their
shapes, habits, and countenances. Their heads were all reclined, either
to the right, or the left; one of their eyes turned inward, and the other
directly up to the zenith. Their outward garments were adorned with the
figures of suns, moons, and stars; interwoven with those of fiddles, flutes,
harps, trumpets, guitars, harpsichords, and many other instruments of music,
unknown to us in Europe. I observed, here and there, many in the habit
of servants, with a blown bladder, fastened like a flail to the end of a
stick, which they carried in their hands. In each bladder was a small
quantity of dried peas, or little pebbles, as I was afterwards
informed. With these bladders, they now and then flapped the mouths and
ears of those who stood near them, of which practice I could not then
conceive the meaning. It seems the minds of these people are so taken
up with intense speculations, that they neither can speak, nor attend to
the discourses of others, without being roused by some external taction
upon the organs of speech and hearing; for which reason, those persons who
are able to afford it always keep a flapper (the original is CLIMENOLE) in
their family, as one of their domestics; nor ever walk abroad, or make
visits, without him. And the business of this officer is, when two, three,
or more persons are in company, gently to strike with his bladder
the mouth of him who is to speak, and the right ear of him or them to whom
the speaker addresses himself. This flapper is likewise employed
diligently to attend his master in his walks, and upon occasion to give him a
soft flap on his eyes; because he is always so wrapped up in cogitation, that
he is in manifest danger of falling down every precipice, and bouncing his
head against every post; and in the streets, of justling others, or
being justled himself into the kennel.
It was necessary to give the reader this information, without which he
would be at the same loss with me to understand the proceedings of these
people, as they conducted me up the stairs to the top of the island, and from
thence to the royal palace. While we were ascending, they forgot several
times what they were about, and left me to myself, till their memories were
again roused by their flappers; for they appeared altogether unmoved
by the sight of my foreign habit and countenance, and by the shouts of the
vulgar, whose thoughts and minds were more disengaged.
At last we entered the palace, and proceeded into the chamber
of presence, where I saw the king seated on his throne, attended on each
side by persons of prime quality. Before the throne, was a large table
filled with globes and spheres, and mathematical instruments of all
kinds. His majesty took not the least notice of us, although our
entrance was not without sufficient noise, by the concourse of all persons
belonging to the court. But he was then deep in a problem; and we
attended at least an hour, before he could solve it. There stood by
him, on each side, a young page with flaps in their hands, and when they saw
he was at leisure, one of them gently struck his mouth, and the other
his right ear; at which he startled like one awaked on the sudden, and
looking towards me and the company I was in, recollected the occasion of our
coming, whereof he had been informed before. He spoke some words,
whereupon immediately a young man with a flap came up to my side, and flapped
me gently on the right ear; but I made signs, as well as I could, that I had
no occasion for such an instrument; which, as I afterwards found, gave his
majesty, and the whole court, a very mean opinion of my understanding.
The king, as far as I could conjecture, asked me several questions, and I
addressed myself to him in all the languages I had. When it was found I
could neither understand nor be understood, I was conducted by his order to
an apartment in his palace (this prince being distinguished above all
his predecessors for his hospitality to strangers), where two servants
were appointed to attend me. My dinner was brought, and four persons of
quality, whom I remembered to have seen very near the king's person, did me
the honour to dine with me. We had two courses, of three dishes
each. In the first course, there was a shoulder of mutton cut into an
equilateral triangle, a piece of beef into a rhomboides, and a pudding into a
cycloid. The second course was two ducks trussed up in the form of
fiddles; sausages and puddings resembling flutes and hautboys, and a breast
of veal in the shape of a harp. The servants cut our bread into
cones, cylinders, parallelograms, and several other
mathematical figures.
While we were at dinner, I made bold to ask the names of several things
in their language, and those noble persons, by the assistance of their
flappers, delighted to give me answers, hoping to raise my admiration of
their great abilities if I could be brought to converse with them. I
was soon able to call for bread and drink, or whatever else I wanted.
After dinner my company withdrew, and a person was sent to me by the
king's order, attended by a flapper. He brought with him pen, ink, and
paper, and three or four books, giving me to understand by signs, that he was
sent to teach me the language. We sat together four hours, in which time I
wrote down a great number of words in columns, with the translations over
against them; I likewise made a shift to learn several short
sentences; for my tutor would order one of my servants to fetch
something, to turn about, to make a bow, to sit, or to stand, or walk,
and the like. Then I took down the sentence in writing. He
showed me also, in one of his books, the figures of the sun, moon,
and stars, the zodiac, the tropics, and polar circles, together with the
denominations of many plains and solids. He gave me the names and
descriptions of all the musical instruments, and the general terms of art in
playing on each of them. After he had left me, I placed all my words,
with their interpretations, in alphabetical order. And thus, in a few
days, by the help of a very faithful memory, I got some insight into their
language. The word, which I interpret the flying or floating island, is
in the original LAPUTA, whereof I could never learn the
true etymology. LAP, in the old obsolete language, signifies
high; and UNTUH, a governor; from which they say, by corruption,
was derived LAPUTA, from LAPUNTUH. But I do not approve of
this derivation, which seems to be a little strained. I ventured
to offer to the learned among them a conjecture of my own, that Laputa was
QUASI LAP OUTED; LAP, signifying properly, the dancing of the sunbeams in the
sea, and OUTED, a wing; which, however, I shall not obtrude, but submit to
the judicious reader.
Those to whom the king had entrusted me, observing how ill I was clad,
ordered a tailor to come next morning, and take measure for a suit of
clothes. This operator did his office after a different manner from
those of his trade in Europe. He first took my altitude by a quadrant,
and then, with a rule and compasses, described the dimensions and outlines of
my whole body, all which he entered upon paper; and in six days brought
my clothes very ill made, and quite out of shape, by happening to mistake
a figure in the calculation. But my comfort was, that I observed such
accidents very frequent, and little regarded.
During my confinement for want of clothes, and by an indisposition that
held me some days longer, I much enlarged my dictionary; and when I went next
to court, was able to understand many things the king spoke, and to return
him some kind of answers. His majesty had given orders, that the island
should move north-east and by east, to the vertical point over Lagado, the
metropolis of the whole kingdom below, upon the firm earth. It was about
ninety leagues distant, and our voyage lasted four days and a half. I
was not in the least sensible of the progressive motion made in the air by
the island. On the second morning, about eleven o'clock, the king
himself in person, attended by his nobility, courtiers, and officers,
having prepared all their musical instruments, played on them for
three hours without intermission, so that I was quite stunned with
the noise; neither could I possibly guess the meaning, till my
tutor informed me. He said that, the people of their island had
their ears adapted to hear "the music of the spheres, which always played
at certain periods, and the court was now prepared to bear their part, in
whatever instrument they most excelled."
In our journey towards Lagado, the capital city, his majesty ordered
that the island should stop over certain towns and villages, from whence he
might receive the petitions of his subjects. And to this purpose,
several packthreads were let down, with small weights at the bottom. On
these packthreads the people strung their petitions, which mounted up
directly, like the scraps of paper fastened by school boys at the end of
the string that holds their kite. Sometimes we received wine
and victuals from below, which were drawn up by pulleys.
The knowledge I had in mathematics, gave me great assistance
in acquiring their phraseology, which depended much upon that science, and
music; and in the latter I was not unskilled. Their ideas are
perpetually conversant in lines and figures. If they would, for
example, praise the beauty of a woman, or any other animal, they describe it
by rhombs, circles, parallelograms, ellipses, and other geometrical terms, or
by words of art drawn from music, needless here to repeat. I observed
in the king's kitchen all sorts of mathematical and musical instruments,
after the figures of which they cut up the joints that were served to his
majesty's table.
Their houses are very ill built, the walls bevil, without one right
angle in any apartment; and this defect arises from the contempt they bear to
practical geometry, which they despise as vulgar and mechanic; those
instructions they give being too refined for the intellects of their workmen,
which occasions perpetual mistakes. And although they are dexterous enough
upon a piece of paper, in the management of the rule, the pencil, and the
divider, yet in the common actions and behaviour of life, I have not seen a
more clumsy, awkward, and unhandy people, nor so slow and perplexed in their
conceptions upon all other subjects, except those of mathematics and
music. They are very bad reasoners, and vehemently given to opposition,
unless when they happen to be of the right opinion, which is seldom their
case. Imagination, fancy, and invention, they are wholly strangers
to, nor have any words in their language, by which those ideas can
be expressed; the whole compass of their thoughts and mind being shut up
within the two forementioned sciences.
Most of them, and especially those who deal in the astronomical part,
have great faith in judicial astrology, although they are ashamed to own it
publicly. But what I chiefly admired, and thought altogether
unaccountable, was the strong disposition I observed in them towards news and
politics, perpetually inquiring into public affairs, giving their judgments
in matters of state, and passionately disputing every inch of a party
opinion. I have indeed observed the same disposition among most of
the mathematicians I have known in Europe, although I could never discover
the least analogy between the two sciences; unless those people suppose, that
because the smallest circle has as many degrees as the largest, therefore the
regulation and management of the world require no more abilities than the
handling and turning of a globe; but I rather take this quality to spring
from a very common infirmity of human nature, inclining us to be
most curious and conceited in matters where we have least concern, and for
which we are least adapted by study or nature.
These people are under continual disquietudes, never enjoying a minutes
peace of mind; and their disturbances proceed from causes which very little
affect the rest of mortals. Their apprehensions arise from several
changes they dread in the celestial bodies: for instance, that the
earth, by the continual approaches of the sun towards it, must, in course of
time, be absorbed, or swallowed up; that the face of the sun, will,
by degrees, be encrusted with its own effluvia, and give no more light to
the world; that the earth very narrowly escaped a brush from the tail of the
last comet, which would have infallibly reduced it to ashes; and that the
next, which they have calculated for one-and-thirty years hence, will
probably destroy us. For if, in its perihelion, it should approach
within a certain degree of the sun (as by their calculations they
have reason to dread) it will receive a degree of heat ten thousand times
more intense than that of red hot glowing iron, and in its absence from the
sun, carry a blazing tail ten hundred thousand and fourteen miles long,
through which, if the earth should pass at the distance of one hundred
thousand miles from the nucleus, or main body of the comet, it must in its
passage be set on fire, and reduced to ashes: that the sun, daily
spending its rays without any nutriment to supply them, will at last be
wholly consumed and annihilated; which must be attended with
the destruction of this earth, and of all the planets that receive their
light from it.
They are so perpetually alarmed with the apprehensions of these, and the
like impending dangers, that they can neither sleep quietly in their beds,
nor have any relish for the common pleasures and amusements of life.
When they meet an acquaintance in the morning, the first question is about
the sun's health, how he looked at his setting and rising, and what hopes
they have to avoid the stroke of the approaching comet. This
conversation they are apt to run into with the same temper that boys
discover in delighting to hear terrible stories of spirits and
hobgoblins, which they greedily listen to, and dare not go to bed for
fear.
The women of the island have abundance of vivacity: they, contemn
their husbands, and are exceedingly fond of strangers, whereof there is
always a considerable number from the continent below, attending at court,
either upon affairs of the several towns and corporations, or their own
particular occasions, but are much despised, because they want the same
endowments. Among these the ladies choose their gallants: but the
vexation is, that they act with too much ease and security; for the husband
is always so rapt in speculation, that the mistress and lover may proceed
to the greatest familiarities before his face, if he be but provided with
paper and implements, and without his flapper at his side.
The wives and daughters lament their confinement to the island, although
I think it the most delicious spot of ground in the world; and although they
live here in the greatest plenty and magnificence, and are allowed to do
whatever they please, they long to see the world, and take the diversions of
the metropolis, which they are not allowed to do without a particular
license from the king; and this is not easy to be obtained, because
the people of quality have found, by frequent experience, how hard it is
to persuade their women to return from below. I was told that a great
court lady, who had several children,--is married to the prime minister, the
richest subject in the kingdom, a very graceful person, extremely fond of
her, and lives in the finest palace of the island,--went down to Lagado on
the pretence of health, there hid herself for several months, till the king
sent a warrant to search for her; and she was found in an
obscure eating-house all in rags, having pawned her clothes to maintain an
old deformed footman, who beat her every day, and in whose company she was
taken, much against her will. And although her husband received her
with all possible kindness, and without the least reproach, she soon after
contrived to steal down again, with all her jewels, to the same gallant, and
has not been heard of since.
This may perhaps pass with the reader rather for an European or English
story, than for one of a country so remote. But he may please to
consider, that the caprices of womankind are not limited by any climate or
nation, and that they are much more uniform, than can be easily
imagined.
In about a month's time, I had made a tolerable proficiency in their
language, and was able to answer most of the king's questions, when I had the
honour to attend him. His majesty discovered not the least curiosity to
inquire into the laws, government, history, religion, or manners of the
countries where I had been; but confined his questions to the state
of mathematics, and received the account I gave him with great contempt
and indifference, though often roused by his flapper on each side.
CHAPTER III.
[A phenomenon solved by modern philosophy and astronomy.
The Laputians' great improvements in the latter. The king's
method of suppressing insurrections.]
I desired leave of this prince to see the curiosities of the island,
which he was graciously pleased to grant, and ordered my tutor to attend
me. I chiefly wanted to know, to what cause, in art or in nature, it
owed its several motions, whereof I will now give a philosophical account to
the reader.
The flying or floating island is exactly circular, its diameter 7837
yards, or about four miles and a half, and consequently contains ten thousand
acres. It is three hundred yards thick. The bottom, or under surface,
which appears to those who view it below, is one even regular plate of
adamant, shooting up to the height of about two hundred yards. Above it
lie the several minerals in their usual order, and over all is a coat of
rich mould, ten or twelve feet deep. The declivity of the
upper surface, from the circumference to the centre, is the natural cause
why all the dews and rains, which fall upon the island, are conveyed in small
rivulets toward the middle, where they are emptied into four large basins,
each of about half a mile in circuit, and two hundred yards distant from the
centre. From these basins the water is continually exhaled by the sun
in the daytime, which effectually prevents their overflowing.
Besides, as it is in the power of the monarch to raise the island
above the region of clouds and vapours, he can prevent the falling of dews
and rain whenever he pleases. For the highest clouds cannot rise above two
miles, as naturalists agree, at least they were never known to do so in that
country.
At the centre of the island there is a chasm about fifty yards
in diameter, whence the astronomers descend into a large dome, which is
therefore called FLANDONA GAGNOLE, or the astronomer's cave, situated at the
depth of a hundred yards beneath the upper surface of the adamant. In
this cave are twenty lamps continually burning, which, from the reflection of
the adamant, cast a strong light into every part. The place is stored
with great variety of sextants, quadrants, telescopes, astrolabes,
and other astronomical instruments. But the greatest curiosity,
upon which the fate of the island depends, is a loadstone of a prodigious
size, in shape resembling a weaver's shuttle. It is in length six
yards, and in the thickest part at least three yards over. This magnet
is sustained by a very strong axle of adamant passing through its middle,
upon which it plays, and is poised so exactly that the weakest hand can turn
it. It is hooped round with a hollow cylinder of adamant, four feet
yards in diameter, placed horizontally, and supported by eight adamantine
feet, each six yards high. In the middle of the concave side, there is
a groove twelve inches deep, in which the extremities of the axle are lodged,
and turned round as there is occasion.
The stone cannot be removed from its place by any force, because the
hoop and its feet are one continued piece with that body of adamant which
constitutes the bottom of the island.
By means of this loadstone, the island is made to rise and fall, and
move from one place to another. For, with respect to that part of the
earth over which the monarch presides, the stone is endued at one of its
sides with an attractive power, and at the other with a repulsive. Upon
placing the magnet erect, with its attracting end towards the earth, the
island descends; but when the repelling extremity points downwards, the
island mounts directly upwards. When the position of the stone is oblique,
the motion of the island is so too: for in this magnet, the
forces always act in lines parallel to its direction.
By this oblique motion, the island is conveyed to different parts of the
monarch's dominions. To explain the manner of its progress, let A B
represent a line drawn across the dominions of Balnibarbi, let the line C D
represent the loadstone, of which let D be the repelling end, and C the
attracting end, the island being over C: let the stone be placed in position
C D, with its repelling end downwards; then the island will be driven
upwards obliquely towards D. When it is arrived at D, let the stone
be turned upon its axle, till its attracting end points towards E, and
then the island will be carried obliquely towards E; where, if the stone be
again turned upon its axle till it stands in the position E F, with its
repelling point downwards, the island will rise obliquely towards F, where,
by directing the attracting end towards G, the island may be carried to G,
and from G to H, by turning the stone, so as to make its repelling extremity
to point directly downward. And thus, by changing the situation of
the stone, as often as there is occasion, the island is made to rise and
fall by turns in an oblique direction, and by those alternate risings and
fallings (the obliquity being not considerable) is conveyed from one part of
the dominions to the other.
But it must be observed, that this island cannot move beyond the extent
of the dominions below, nor can it rise above the height of four miles.
For which the astronomers (who have written large systems concerning the
stone) assign the following reason: that the magnetic virtue does not
extend beyond the distance of four miles, and that the mineral, which acts
upon the stone in the bowels of the earth, and in the sea about six leagues
distant from the shore, is not diffused through the whole globe,
but terminated with the limits of the king's dominions; and it was easy,
from the great advantage of such a superior situation, for a prince to bring
under his obedience whatever country lay within the attraction of that
magnet.
When the stone is put parallel to the plane of the horizon, the island
stands still; for in that case the extremities of it, being at equal distance
from the earth, act with equal force, the one in drawing downwards, the other
in pushing upwards, and consequently no motion can ensue.
This loadstone is under the care of certain astronomers, who, from time
to time, give it such positions as the monarch directs.
They spend the greatest part of their lives in observing the celestial
bodies, which they do by the assistance of glasses, far excelling ours in
goodness. For, although their largest telescopes do not exceed three
feet, they magnify much more than those of a hundred with us, and show the
stars with greater clearness. This advantage has enabled them to extend
their discoveries much further than our astronomers in Europe; for
they have made a catalogue of ten thousand fixed stars, whereas
the largest of ours do not contain above one third part of
that number. They have likewise discovered two lesser stars,
or satellites, which revolve about Mars; whereof the innermost is distant
from the centre of the primary planet exactly three of his diameters, and the
outermost, five; the former revolves in the space of ten hours, and the
latter in twenty-one and a half; so that the squares of their periodical
times are very near in the same proportion with the cubes of their distance
from the centre of Mars; which evidently shows them to be governed by
the same law of gravitation that influences the other
heavenly bodies.
They have observed ninety-three different comets, and settled their
periods with great exactness. If this be true (and they affirm it with
great confidence) it is much to be wished, that their observations were made
public, whereby the theory of comets, which at present is very lame and
defective, might be brought to the same perfection with other arts of
astronomy.
The king would be the most absolute prince in the universe, if he could
but prevail on a ministry to join with him; but these having their estates
below on the continent, and considering that the office of a favourite has a
very uncertain tenure, would never consent to the enslaving of their
country.
If any town should engage in rebellion or mutiny, fall into violent
factions, or refuse to pay the usual tribute, the king has two methods of
reducing them to obedience. The first and the mildest course is, by
keeping the island hovering over such a town, and the lands about it, whereby
he can deprive them of the benefit of the sun and the rain, and consequently
afflict the inhabitants with dearth and diseases: and if the crime
deserve it, they are at the same time pelted from above with great stones,
against which they have no defence but by creeping into cellars or caves,
while the roofs of their houses are beaten to pieces. But if they still
continue obstinate, or offer to raise insurrections, he proceeds to the last
remedy, by letting the island drop directly upon their heads, which makes a
universal destruction both of houses and men. However, this is an
extremity to which the prince is seldom driven, neither indeed is
he willing to put it in execution; nor dare his ministers advise him to an
action, which, as it would render them odious to the people, so it would be a
great damage to their own estates, which all lie below; for the island is the
king's demesne.
But there is still indeed a more weighty reason, why the kings of this
country have been always averse from executing so terrible an action, unless
upon the utmost necessity. For, if the town intended to be destroyed
should have in it any tall rocks, as it generally falls out in the larger
cities, a situation probably chosen at first with a view to prevent such a
catastrophe; or if it abound in high spires, or pillars of stone, a sudden
fall might endanger the bottom or under surface of the island,
which, although it consist, as I have said, of one entire adamant,
two hundred yards thick, might happen to crack by too great a shock, or
burst by approaching too near the fires from the houses below, as the backs,
both of iron and stone, will often do in our chimneys. Of all this the
people are well apprised, and understand how far to carry their obstinacy,
where their liberty or property is concerned. And the king, when he is
highest provoked, and most determined to press a city to rubbish,
orders the island to descend with great gentleness, out of a pretence
of tenderness to his people, but, indeed, for fear of breaking
the adamantine bottom; in which case, it is the opinion of all
their philosophers, that the loadstone could no longer hold it up, and the
whole mass would fall to the ground.
By a fundamental law of this realm, neither the king, nor either of his
two eldest sons, are permitted to leave the island; nor the queen, till she
is past child-bearing.
CHAPTER IV.
[The author leaves Laputa; is conveyed to Balnibarbi; arrives at the
metropolis. A description of the metropolis, and the
country adjoining. The author hospitably received by a great
lord. His conversation with that lord.]
Although I cannot say that I was ill treated in this island, yet I
must confess I thought myself too much neglected, not without some degree of
contempt; for neither prince nor people appeared to be curious in any part of
knowledge, except mathematics and music, wherein I was far their inferior,
and upon that account very little regarded.
On the other side, after having seen all the curiosities of the island,
I was very desirous to leave it, being heartily weary of those people.
They were indeed excellent in two sciences for which I have great esteem, and
wherein I am not unversed; but, at the same time, so abstracted and involved
in speculation, that I never met with such disagreeable companions. I
conversed only with women, tradesmen, flappers, and court-pages, during
two months of my abode there; by which, at last, I rendered
myself extremely contemptible; yet these were the only people from whom I
could ever receive a reasonable answer.
I had obtained, by hard study, a good degree of knowledge in their
language: I was weary of being confined to an island where I received
so little countenance, and resolved to leave it with the first
opportunity.
There was a great lord at court, nearly related to the king, and for
that reason alone used with respect. He was universally reckoned the
most ignorant and stupid person among them. He had performed many
eminent services for the crown, had great natural and acquired parts, adorned
with integrity and honour; but so ill an ear for music, that his detractors
reported, "he had been often known to beat time in the wrong place;" neither
could his tutors, without extreme difficulty, teach him to demonstrate
the most easy proposition in the mathematics. He was pleased to
show me many marks of favour, often did me the honour of a visit, desired
to be informed in the affairs of Europe, the laws and customs, the manners
and learning of the several countries where I had travelled. He
listened to me with great attention, and made very wise observations on all I
spoke. He had two flappers attending him for state, but never made use
of them, except at court and in visits of ceremony, and would always command
them to withdraw, when we were alone together.
I entreated this illustrious person, to intercede in my behalf with his
majesty, for leave to depart; which he accordingly did, as he was pleased to
tell me, with regret: for indeed he had made me several offers very
advantageous, which, however, I refused, with expressions of the highest
acknowledgment.
On the 16th of February I took leave of his majesty and the court. The
king made me a present to the value of about two hundred pounds English, and
my protector, his kinsman, as much more, together with a letter of
recommendation to a friend of his in Lagado, the metropolis. The island
being then hovering over a mountain about two miles from it, I was let down
from the lowest gallery, in the same manner as I had been taken up.
The continent, as far as it is subject to the monarch of the flying
island, passes under the general name of BALNIBARBI; and the metropolis, as I
said before, is called LAGADO. I felt some little satisfaction in
finding myself on firm ground. I walked to the city without any
concern, being clad like one of the natives, and sufficiently instructed to
converse with them. I soon found out the person's house to whom I was
recommended, presented my letter from his friend the grandee in the
island, and was received with much kindness. This great lord, whose
name was Munodi, ordered me an apartment in his own house, where
I continued during my stay, and was entertained in a most hospitable
manner.
The next morning after my arrival, he took me in his chariot to see the
town, which is about half the bigness of London; but the houses very
strangely built, and most of them out of repair. The people in the
streets walked fast, looked wild, their eyes fixed, and were generally in
rags. We passed through one of the town gates, and went about three
miles into the country, where I saw many labourers working with several sorts
of tools in the ground, but was not able to conjecture what they were
about: neither did observe any expectation either of corn or grass,
although the soil appeared to be excellent. I could not forbear
admiring at these odd appearances, both in town and country; and I made
bold to desire my conductor, that he would be pleased to explain to me,
what could be meant by so many busy heads, hands, and faces, both in the
streets and the fields, because I did not discover any good effects they
produced; but, on the contrary, I never knew a soil so unhappily cultivated,
houses so ill contrived and so ruinous, or a people whose countenances and
habit expressed so much misery and want.
This lord Munodi was a person of the first rank, and had been some years
governor of Lagado; but, by a cabal of ministers, was discharged for
insufficiency. However, the king treated him with tenderness, as a
well-meaning man, but of a low contemptible understanding.
When I gave that free censure of the country and its inhabitants, he
made no further answer than by telling me, "that I had not been long enough
among them to form a judgment; and that the different nations of the world
had different customs;" with other common topics to the same purpose.
But, when we returned to his palace, he asked me "how I liked the building,
what absurdities I observed, and what quarrel I had with the dress or looks
of his domestics?" This he might safely do; because every thing about him
was magnificent, regular, and polite. I answered, "that
his excellency's prudence, quality, and fortune, had exempted him from
those defects, which folly and beggary had produced in others." He
said, "if I would go with him to his country-house, about twenty miles
distant, where his estate lay, there would be more leisure for this kind of
conversation." I told his excellency "that I was entirely at his
disposal;" and accordingly we set out next morning.
During our journey he made me observe the several methods used
by farmers in managing their lands, which to me were wholly unaccountable;
for, except in some very few places, I could not discover one ear of corn or
blade of grass. But, in three hours travelling, the scene was wholly
altered; we came into a most beautiful country; farmers' houses, at small
distances, neatly built; the fields enclosed, containing vineyards,
corn-grounds, and meadows. Neither do I remember to have seen a
more delightful prospect. His excellency observed my countenance
to clear up; he told me, with a sigh, "that there his estate began, and
would continue the same, till we should come to his house: that his
countrymen ridiculed and despised him, for managing his affairs no better,
and for setting so ill an example to the kingdom; which, however, was
followed by very few, such as were old, and wilful, and weak like
himself."
We came at length to the house, which was indeed a noble structure,
built according to the best rules of ancient architecture. The
fountains, gardens, walks, avenues, and groves, were all disposed with exact
judgment and taste. I gave due praises to every thing I saw, whereof
his excellency took not the least notice till after supper; when, there being
no third companion, he told me with a very melancholy air "that he
doubted he must throw down his houses in town and country, to rebuild them
after the present mode; destroy all his plantations, and cast others into
such a form as modern usage required, and give the same directions to all his
tenants, unless he would submit to incur the censure of pride, singularity,
affectation, ignorance, caprice, and perhaps increase his majesty's
displeasure; that the admiration I appeared to be under would cease or
diminish, when he had informed me of some particulars which, probably, I
never heard of at court, the people there being too much taken up in their
own speculations, to have regard to what passed here below."
The sum of his discourse was to this effect: "That about
forty years ago, certain persons went up to Laputa, either upon business
or diversion, and, after five months continuance, came back with a very
little smattering in mathematics, but full of volatile spirits acquired in
that airy region: that these persons, upon their return, began to
dislike the management of every thing below, and fell into schemes of putting
all arts, sciences, languages, and mechanics, upon a new foot. To
this end, they procured a royal patent for erecting an academy
of projectors in Lagado; and the humour prevailed so strongly among the
people, that there is not a town of any consequence in the kingdom without
such an academy. In these colleges the professors contrive new rules
and methods of agriculture and building, and new instruments, and tools for
all trades and manufactures; whereby, as they undertake, one man shall do
the work of ten; a palace may be built in a week, of materials so durable
as to last for ever without repairing. All the fruits of the earth
shall come to maturity at whatever season we think fit to choose, and
increase a hundred fold more than they do at present; with innumerable other
happy proposals. The only inconvenience is, that none of these projects
are yet brought to perfection; and in the mean time, the whole country
lies miserably waste, the houses in ruins, and the people without food or
clothes. By all which, instead of being discouraged, they are fifty times
more violently bent upon prosecuting their schemes, driven equally on by hope
and despair: that as for himself, being not of an enterprising spirit,
he was content to go on in the old forms, to live in the houses his ancestors
had built, and act as they did, in every part of life, without
innovation: that some few other persons of quality and gentry had done
the same, but were looked on with an eye of contempt and ill-will,
as enemies to art, ignorant, and ill common-wealth's men, preferring their
own ease and sloth before the general improvement of their country."
His lordship added, "That he would not, by any further particulars,
prevent the pleasure I should certainly take in viewing the grand academy,
whither he was resolved I should go." He only desired me to observe a ruined
building, upon the side of a mountain about three miles distant, of which he
gave me this account: "That he had a very convenient mill within half a
mile of his house, turned by a current from a large river, and sufficient
for his own family, as well as a great number of his tenants; that about
seven years ago, a club of those projectors came to him with proposals to
destroy this mill, and build another on the side of that mountain, on the
long ridge whereof a long canal must be cut, for a repository of water, to be
conveyed up by pipes and engines to supply the mill, because the wind
and air upon a height agitated the water, and thereby made it fitter for
motion, and because the water, descending down a declivity, would turn the
mill with half the current of a river whose course is more upon a
level." He said, "that being then not very well with the court, and
pressed by many of his friends, he complied with the proposal; and after
employing a hundred men for two years, the work miscarried, the projectors
went off, laying the blame entirely upon him, railing at him ever since, and
putting others upon the same experiment, with equal assurance of
success, as well as equal disappointment."
In a few days we came back to town; and his excellency, considering the
bad character he had in the academy, would not go with me himself, but
recommended me to a friend of his, to bear me company thither. My lord
was pleased to represent me as a great admirer of projects, and a person of
much curiosity and easy belief; which, indeed, was not without truth; for I
had myself been a sort of projector in my younger days.
CHAPTER V.
[The author permitted to see the grand academy of Lagado.
The academy largely described. The arts wherein the
professors employ themselves.]
This academy is not an entire single building, but a continuation of
several houses on both sides of a street, which growing waste, was purchased
and applied to that use.
I was received very kindly by the warden, and went for many days to the
academy. Every room has in it one or more projectors; and I believe I
could not be in fewer than five hundred rooms.
The first man I saw was of a meagre aspect, with sooty hands and face,
his hair and beard long, ragged, and singed in several places. His
clothes, shirt, and skin, were all of the same colour. He has been eight
years upon a project for extracting sunbeams out of cucumbers, which were to
be put in phials hermetically sealed, and let out to warm the air in raw
inclement summers. He told me, he did not doubt, that, in eight
years more, he should be able to supply the governor's gardens
with sunshine, at a reasonable rate: but he complained that his stock was
low, and entreated me "to give him something as an encouragement to
ingenuity, especially since this had been a very dear season for
cucumbers." I made him a small present, for my lord had furnished me
with money on purpose, because he knew their practice of begging from all who
go to see them.
I went into another chamber, but was ready to hasten back, being almost
overcome with a horrible stink. My conductor pressed me forward,
conjuring me in a whisper "to give no offence, which would be highly
resented;" and therefore I durst not so much as stop my nose. The
projector of this cell was the most ancient student of the academy; his face
and beard were of a pale yellow; his hands and clothes daubed over with
filth. When I was presented to him, he gave me a close embrace, a
compliment I could well have excused. His employment, from his first
coming into the academy, was an operation to reduce human excrement to its
original food, by separating the several parts, removing the tincture which
it receives from the gall, making the odour exhale, and scumming off the
saliva. He had a weekly allowance, from the society, of a vessel filled
with human ordure, about the bigness of a Bristol barrel.
I saw another at work to calcine ice into gunpowder; who likewise showed
me a treatise he had written concerning the malleability of fire, which he
intended to publish.
There was a most ingenious architect, who had contrived a new method for
building houses, by beginning at the roof, and working downward to the
foundation; which he justified to me, by the like practice of those two
prudent insects, the bee and the spider.
There was a man born blind, who had several apprentices in his own
condition: their employment was to mix colours for painters, which
their master taught them to distinguish by feeling and smelling. It was
indeed my misfortune to find them at that time not very perfect in their
lessons, and the professor himself happened to be generally mistaken.
This artist is much encouraged and esteemed by the whole fraternity.
In another apartment I was highly pleased with a projector who had found
a device of ploughing the ground with hogs, to save the charges of ploughs,
cattle, and labour. The method is this: in an acre of ground you
bury, at six inches distance and eight deep, a quantity of acorns, dates,
chestnuts, and other mast or vegetables, whereof these animals are fondest;
then you drive six hundred or more of them into the field, where, in a few
days, they will root up the whole ground in search of their food, and make
it fit for sowing, at the same time manuring it with their dung: it is
true, upon experiment, they found the charge and trouble very great, and they
had little or no crop. However it is not doubted, that this invention
may be capable of great improvement.
I went into another room, where the walls and ceiling were all hung
round with cobwebs, except a narrow passage for the artist to go in and
out. At my entrance, he called aloud to me, "not to disturb his
webs." He lamented "the fatal mistake the world had been so long in, of
using silkworms, while we had such plenty of domestic insects who infinitely
excelled the former, because they understood how to weave, as well as
spin." And he proposed further, "that by employing spiders, the charge
of dyeing silks should be wholly saved;" whereof I was fully convinced, when
he showed me a vast number of flies most beautifully coloured, wherewith
he fed his spiders, assuring us "that the webs would take a tincture from
them; and as he had them of all hues, he hoped to fit everybody's fancy, as
soon as he could find proper food for the flies, of certain gums, oils, and
other glutinous matter, to give a strength and consistence to the
threads."
There was an astronomer, who had undertaken to place a sun-dial upon the
great weathercock on the town-house, by adjusting the annual and diurnal
motions of the earth and sun, so as to answer and coincide with all
accidental turnings of the wind.
I was complaining of a small fit of the colic, upon which my conductor
led me into a room where a great physician resided, who was famous for curing
that disease, by contrary operations from the same instrument. He had a
large pair of bellows, with a long slender muzzle of ivory: this he
conveyed eight inches up the anus, and drawing in the wind, he affirmed he
could make the guts as lank as a dried bladder. But when the disease
was more stubborn and violent, he let in the muzzle while the bellows
were full of wind, which he discharged into the body of the patient; then
withdrew the instrument to replenish it, clapping his thumb strongly against
the orifice of then fundament; and this being repeated three or four times,
the adventitious wind would rush out, bringing the noxious along with it,
(like water put into a pump), and the patient recovered. I saw him try
both experiments upon a dog, but could not discern any effect from the
former. After the latter the animal was ready to burst, and made
so violent a discharge as was very offensive to me and my companion.
The dog died on the spot, and we left the doctor endeavouring to recover
him, by the same operation.
I visited many other apartments, but shall not trouble my reader with
all the curiosities I observed, being studious of brevity.
I had hitherto seen only one side of the academy, the other
being appropriated to the advancers of speculative learning, of whom
I shall say something, when I have mentioned one illustrious person more,
who is called among them "the universal artist." He told us "he had
been thirty years employing his thoughts for the improvement of human
life." He had two large rooms full of wonderful curiosities, and fifty
men at work. Some were condensing air into a dry tangible substance, by
extracting the nitre, and letting the aqueous or fluid particles
percolate; others softening marble, for pillows and pin-cushions;
others petrifying the hoofs of a living horse, to preserve them
from foundering. The artist himself was at that time busy upon
two great designs; the first, to sow land with chaff, wherein he affirmed
the true seminal virtue to be contained, as he demonstrated by several
experiments, which I was not skilful enough to comprehend. The other
was, by a certain composition of gums, minerals, and vegetables, outwardly
applied, to prevent the growth of wool upon two young lambs; and he hoped, in
a reasonable time to propagate the breed of naked sheep, all over the
kingdom.
We crossed a walk to the other part of the academy, where, as I have
already said, the projectors in speculative learning resided.
The first professor I saw, was in a very large room, with forty pupils
about him. After salutation, observing me to look earnestly upon a
frame, which took up the greatest part of both the length and breadth of the
room, he said, "Perhaps I might wonder to see him employed in a project for
improving speculative knowledge, by practical and mechanical
operations. But the world would soon be sensible of its usefulness; and
he flattered himself, that a more noble, exalted thought never sprang in
any other man's head. Every one knew how laborious the usual
method is of attaining to arts and sciences; whereas, by his contrivance,
the most ignorant person, at a reasonable charge, and with a little bodily
labour, might write books in philosophy, poetry, politics, laws, mathematics,
and theology, without the least assistance from genius or study." He
then led me to the frame, about the sides, whereof all his pupils stood in
ranks. It was twenty feet square, placed in the middle of the room.
The superfices was composed of several bits of wood, about the bigness of
a die, but some larger than others. They were all linked together by
slender wires. These bits of wood were covered, on every square, with
paper pasted on them; and on these papers were written all the words of their
language, in their several moods, tenses, and declensions; but without any
order. The professor then desired me "to observe; for he was going to set
his engine at work." The pupils, at his command, took each of them hold
of an iron handle, whereof there were forty fixed round the edges of the
frame; and giving them a sudden turn, the whole disposition of the words was
entirely changed. He then commanded six-and-thirty of the lads, to read
the several lines softly, as they appeared upon the frame; and where they
found three or four words together that might make part of a
sentence, they dictated to the four remaining boys, who were scribes.
This work was repeated three or four times, and at every turn, the engine
was so contrived, that the words shifted into new places, as the square bits
of wood moved upside down.
Six hours a day the young students were employed in this labour; and the
professor showed me several volumes in large folio, already collected, of
broken sentences, which he intended to piece together, and out of those rich
materials, to give the world a complete body of all arts and sciences; which,
however, might be still improved, and much expedited, if the public
would raise a fund for making and employing five hundred such frames
in Lagado, and oblige the managers to contribute in common their several
collections.
He assured me "that this invention had employed all his thoughts from
his youth; that he had emptied the whole vocabulary into his frame, and made
the strictest computation of the general proportion there is in books between
the numbers of particles, nouns, and verbs, and other parts of speech."
I made my humblest acknowledgment to this illustrious person, for his
great communicativeness; and promised, "if ever I had the good fortune to
return to my native country, that I would do him justice, as the sole
inventor of this wonderful machine;" the form and contrivance of which I
desired leave to delineate on paper, as in the figure here annexed. I
told him, "although it were the custom of our learned in Europe to steal
inventions from each other, who had thereby at least this advantage, that
it became a controversy which was the right owner; yet I would take such
caution, that he should have the honour entire, without a rival."
We next went to the school of languages, where three professors sat in
consultation upon improving that of their own country.
The first project was, to shorten discourse, by cutting polysyllables
into one, and leaving out verbs and participles, because, in reality, all
things imaginable are but norms.
The other project was, a scheme for entirely abolishing all
words whatsoever; and this was urged as a great advantage in point
of health, as well as brevity. For it is plain, that every word
we speak is, in some degree, a diminution of our lunge by corrosion, and,
consequently, contributes to the shortening of our lives. An expedient was
therefore offered, "that since words are only names for things, it would be
more convenient for all men to carry about them such things as were necessary
to express a particular business they are to discourse on." And
this invention would certainly have taken place, to the great ease as well
as health of the subject, if the women, in conjunction with the vulgar and
illiterate, had not threatened to raise a rebellion unless they might be
allowed the liberty to speak with their tongues, after the manner of their
forefathers; such constant irreconcilable enemies to science are the common
people.
However, many of the most learned and wise adhere to the new scheme of
expressing themselves by things; which has only this inconvenience attending
it, that if a man's business be very great, and of various kinds, he must be
obliged, in proportion, to carry a greater bundle of things upon his back,
unless he can afford one or two strong servants to attend him. I have
often beheld two of those sages almost sinking under the weight of their
packs, like pedlars among us, who, when they met in the street, would lay
down their loads, open their sacks, and hold conversation for an hour
together; then put up their implements, help each other to resume their
burdens, and take their leave.
But for short conversations, a man may carry implements in his pockets,
and under his arms, enough to supply him; and in his house, he cannot be at a
loss. Therefore the room where company meet who practise this art, is
full of all things, ready at hand, requisite to furnish matter for this kind
of artificial converse.
Another great advantage proposed by this invention was, that it would
serve as a universal language, to be understood in all civilised nations,
whose goods and utensils are generally of the same kind, or nearly
resembling, so that their uses might easily be comprehended. And thus
ambassadors would be qualified to treat with foreign princes, or ministers of
state, to whose tongues they were utter strangers.
I was at the mathematical school, where the master taught his pupils
after a method scarce imaginable to us in Europe. The proposition, and
demonstration, were fairly written on a thin wafer, with ink composed of a
cephalic tincture. This, the student was to swallow upon a fasting
stomach, and for three days following, eat nothing but bread and water.
As the wafer digested, the tincture mounted to his brain, bearing
the proposition along with it. But the success has not hitherto
been answerable, partly by some error in the QUANTUM or composition, and
partly by the perverseness of lads, to whom this bolus is so nauseous, that
they generally steal aside, and discharge it upwards, before it can operate;
neither have they been yet persuaded to use so long an abstinence, as the
prescription requires.
CHAPTER VI.
[A further account of the academy. The author proposes
some improvements, which are honourably received.]
In the school of political projectors, I was but ill
entertained; the professors appearing, in my judgment, wholly out of
their senses, which is a scene that never fails to make me
melancholy. These unhappy people were proposing schemes for
persuading monarchs to choose favourites upon the score of their
wisdom, capacity, and virtue; of teaching ministers to consult the
public good; of rewarding merit, great abilities, eminent services;
of instructing princes to know their true interest, by placing it on the
same foundation with that of their people; of choosing for employments
persons qualified to exercise them, with many other wild, impossible
chimeras, that never entered before into the heart of man to conceive; and
confirmed in me the old observation, "that there is nothing so extravagant
and irrational, which some philosophers have not maintained
for truth."
But, however, I shall so far do justice to this part of the Academy, as
to acknowledge that all of them were not so visionary. There was a most
ingenious doctor, who seemed to be perfectly versed in the whole nature and
system of government. This illustrious person had very usefully employed his
studies, in finding out effectual remedies for all diseases
and corruptions to which the several kinds of public administration are
subject, by the vices or infirmities of those who govern, as well as by the
licentiousness of those who are to obey. For instance: whereas
all writers and reasoners have agreed, that there is a strict universal
resemblance between the natural and the political body; can there be any
thing more evident, than that the health of both must be preserved, and the
diseases cured, by the same prescriptions? It is allowed, that
senates and great councils are often troubled with redundant,
ebullient, and other peccant humours; with many diseases of the head,
and more of the heart; with strong convulsions, with grievous contractions
of the nerves and sinews in both hands, but especially the right; with
spleen, flatus, vertigos, and deliriums; with scrofulous tumours, full of
fetid purulent matter; with sour frothy ructations: with canine
appetites, and crudeness of digestion, besides many others, needless to
mention.
This doctor therefore proposed, "that upon the meeting of the senate,
certain physicians should attend it the three first days of their sitting,
and at the close of each day's debate feel the pulses of every senator; after
which, having maturely considered and consulted upon the nature of the
several maladies, and the methods of cure, they should on the fourth day
return to the senate house, attended by their apothecaries stored with
proper medicines; and before the members sat, administer to each of
them lenitives, aperitives, abstersives, corrosives,
restringents, palliatives, laxatives, cephalalgics, icterics,
apophlegmatics, acoustics, as their several cases required; and, according
as these medicines should operate, repeat, alter, or omit them, at the
next meeting."
This project could not be of any great expense to the public; and might
in my poor opinion, be of much use for the despatch of business, in those
countries where senates have any share in the legislative power; beget
unanimity, shorten debates, open a few mouths which are now closed, and close
many more which are now open; curb the petulancy of the young, and correct
the positiveness of the old; rouse the stupid, and damp the pert.
Again: because it is a general complaint, that the favourites
of princes are troubled with short and weak memories; the same doctor
proposed, "that whoever attended a first minister, after having told his
business, with the utmost brevity and in the plainest words, should, at his
departure, give the said minister a tweak by the nose, or a kick in the
belly, or tread on his corns, or lug him thrice by both ears, or run a pin
into his breech; or pinch his arm black and blue, to
prevent forgetfulness; and at every levee day, repeat the same
operation, till the business were done, or absolutely refused."
He likewise directed, "that every senator in the great council of a
nation, after he had delivered his opinion, and argued in the defence of it,
should be obliged to give his vote directly contrary; because if that were
done, the result would infallibly terminate in the good of the public."
When parties in a state are violent, he offered a wonderful contrivance
to reconcile them. The method is this: You take a hundred leaders
of each party; you dispose them into couples of such whose heads are nearest
of a size; then let two nice operators saw off the occiput of each couple at
the same time, in such a manner that the brain may be equally divided.
Let the occiputs, thus cut off, be interchanged, applying each to the head
of his opposite party-man. It seems indeed to be a work that requires
some exactness, but the professor assured us, "that if it were dexterously
performed, the cure would be infallible." For he argued thus: "that
the two half brains being left to debate the matter between themselves within
the space of one skull, would soon come to a good understanding, and produce
that moderation, as well as regularity of thinking, so much to be wished
for in the heads of those, who imagine they come into the world only to watch
and govern its motion: and as to the difference of brains, in quantity
or quality, among those who are directors in faction, the doctor assured us,
from his own knowledge, that "it was a perfect trifle."
I heard a very warm debate between two professors, about the
most commodious and effectual ways and means of raising money,
without grieving the subject. The first affirmed, "the justest
method would be, to lay a certain tax upon vices and folly; and the
sum fixed upon every man to be rated, after the fairest manner, by a jury
of his neighbours." The second was of an opinion directly contrary; "to
tax those qualities of body and mind, for which men chiefly value themselves;
the rate to be more or less, according to the degrees of excelling; the
decision whereof should be left entirely to their own breast." The
highest tax was upon men who are the greatest favourites of the other sex,
and the assessments, according to the number and nature of the
favours they have received; for which, they are allowed to be their
own vouchers. Wit, valour, and politeness, were likewise proposed to be
largely taxed, and collected in the same manner, by every person's giving his
own word for the quantum of what he possessed. But as to honour,
justice, wisdom, and learning, they should not be taxed at all; because they
are qualifications of so singular a kind, that no man will either allow them
in his neighbour or value them in himself.
The women were proposed to be taxed according to their beauty and skill
in dressing, wherein they had the same privilege with the men, to be
determined by their own judgment. But constancy, chastity, good sense,
and good nature, were not rated, because they would not bear the charge of
collecting.
To keep senators in the interest of the crown, it was proposed that the
members should raffle for employment; every man first taking an oath, and
giving security, that he would vote for the court, whether he won or not;
after which, the losers had, in their turn, the liberty of raffling upon the
next vacancy. Thus, hope and expectation would be kept alive; none
would complain of broken promises, but impute their disappointments wholly
to fortune, whose shoulders are broader and stronger than those of
a ministry.
Another professor showed me a large paper of instructions
for discovering plots and conspiracies against the government.
He advised great statesmen to examine into the diet of all
suspected persons; their times of eating; upon which side they lay in
bed; with which hand they wipe their posteriors; take a strict view
of their excrements, and, from the colour, the odour, the taste,
the consistence, the crudeness or maturity of digestion, form a judgment
of their thoughts and designs; because men are never so serious, thoughtful,
and intent, as when they are at stool, which he found by frequent experiment;
for, in such conjunctures, when he used, merely as a trial, to consider which
was the best way of murdering the king, his ordure would have a tincture of
green; but quite different, when he thought only of raising
an insurrection, or burning the metropolis.
The whole discourse was written with great acuteness, containing many
observations, both curious and useful for politicians; but, as I conceived,
not altogether complete. This I ventured to tell the author, and
offered, if he pleased, to supply him with some additions. He received
my proposition with more compliance than is usual among writers, especially
those of the projecting species, professing "he would be glad to receive
further information."
I told him, "that in the kingdom of Tribnia, (3) by the natives called
Langdon, (4) where I had sojourned some time in my travels, the bulk of the
people consist in a manner wholly of discoverers, witnesses, informers,
accusers, prosecutors, evidences, swearers, together with their several
subservient and subaltern instruments, all under the colours, the conduct,
and the pay of ministers of state, and their deputies. The plots,
in that kingdom, are usually the workmanship of those persons who desire
to raise their own characters of profound politicians; to restore new vigour
to a crazy administration; to stifle or divert general discontents; to fill
their coffers with forfeitures; and raise, or sink the opinion of public
credit, as either shall best answer their private advantage. It is
first agreed and settled among them, what suspected persons shall be accused
of a plot; then, effectual care is taken to secure all their letters
and papers, and put the owners in chains. These papers are
delivered to a set of artists, very dexterous in finding out the
mysterious meanings of words, syllables, and letters: for instance,
they can discover a close stool, to signify a privy council; a flock of
geese, a senate; a lame dog, an invader; the plague, a standing army; a
buzzard, a prime minister; the gout, a high priest; a gibbet, a secretary of
state; a chamber pot, a committee of grandees; a sieve, a court lady; a
broom, a revolution; a mouse-trap, an employment; a bottomless pit,
a treasury; a sink, a court; a cap and bells, a favourite; a broken reed,
a court of justice; an empty tun, a general; a running sore, the
administration. (5)
"When this method fails, they have two others more effectual, which the
learned among them call acrostics and anagrams. First, they can
decipher all initial letters into political meanings. Thus N, shall signify
a plot; B, a regiment of horse; L, a fleet at sea; or, secondly, by
transposing the letters of the alphabet in any suspected paper, they can lay
open the deepest designs of a discontented party. So, for example, if I
should say, in a letter to a friend, 'Our brother Tom has just got the
piles,' a skilful decipherer would discover, that the same letters
which compose that sentence, may be analysed into the following
words, 'Resist--, a plot is brought home--The tour.' And this is
the anagrammatic method."
The professor made me great acknowledgments for communicating these
observations, and promised to make honourable mention of me in his
treatise.
I saw nothing in this country that could invite me to a
longer continuance, and began to think of returning home to England.
CHAPTER VII.
[The author leaves Lagado: arrives at Maldonada. No ship
ready. He takes a short voyage to Glubbdubdrib. His reception by
the governor.]
The continent, of which this kingdom is apart, extends itself, as I
have reason to believe, eastward, to that unknown tract of America westward
of California; and north, to the Pacific Ocean, which is not above a hundred
and fifty miles from Lagado; where there is a good port, and much commerce
with the great island of Luggnagg, situated to the north-west about 29
degrees north latitude, and 140 longitude. This island of Luggnagg
stands south-eastward of Japan, about a hundred leagues distant.
There is a strict alliance between the Japanese emperor and the king
of Luggnagg; which affords frequent opportunities of sailing from one
island to the other. I determined therefore to direct my course this
way, in order to my return to Europe. I hired two mules, with a guide,
to show me the way, and carry my small baggage. I took leave of my
noble protector, who had shown me so much favour, and made me a generous
present at my departure.
My journey was without any accident or adventure worth relating. When I
arrived at the port of Maldonada (for so it is called) there was no ship in
the harbour bound for Luggnagg, nor likely to be in some time. The town
is about as large as Portsmouth. I soon fell into some acquaintance,
and was very hospitably received. A gentleman of distinction said to
me, "that since the ships bound for Luggnagg could not be ready in less than
a month, it might be no disagreeable amusement for me to take a trip
to the little island of Glubbdubdrib, about five leagues off to
the south-west." He offered himself and a friend to accompany me, and that
I should be provided with a small convenient bark for the voyage.
Glubbdubdrib, as nearly as I can interpret the word, signifies the
island of sorcerers or magicians. It is about one third as large as the
Isle of Wight, and extremely fruitful: it is governed by the head of a
certain tribe, who are all magicians. This tribe marries only among each
other, and the eldest in succession is prince or governor. He has a
noble palace, and a park of about three thousand acres, surrounded by a wall
of hewn stone twenty feet high. In this park are several
small enclosures for cattle, corn, and gardening.
The governor and his family are served and attended by domestics of a
kind somewhat unusual. By his skill in necromancy he has a power of
calling whom he pleases from the dead, and commanding their service for
twenty-four hours, but no longer; nor can he call the same persons up again
in less than three months, except upon very extraordinary occasions.
When we arrived at the island, which was about eleven in the morning,
one of the gentlemen who accompanied me went to the governor, and desired
admittance for a stranger, who came on purpose to have the honour of
attending on his highness. This was immediately granted, and we all
three entered the gate of the palace between two rows of guards, armed and
dressed after a very antic manner, and with something in their countenances
that made my flesh creep with a horror I cannot express. We passed
through several apartments, between servants of the same sort, ranked
on each side as before, till we came to the chamber of presence; where,
after three profound obeisances, and a few general questions, we were
permitted to sit on three stools, near the lowest step of his highness's
throne. He understood the language of Balnibarbi, although it was
different from that of this island. He desired me to give him some account of
my travels; and, to let me see that I should be treated without ceremony,
he dismissed all his attendants with a turn of his finger; at which, to my
great astonishment, they vanished in an instant, like visions in a dream when
we awake on a sudden. I could not recover myself in some time, till the
governor assured me, "that I should receive no hurt:" and observing my two
companions to be under no concern, who had been often entertained in the
same manner, I began to take courage, and related to his highness a short
history of my several adventures; yet not without some hesitation, and
frequently looking behind me to the place where I had seen those domestic
spectres. I had the honour to dine with the governor, where a new set
of ghosts served up the meat, and waited at table. I now observed
myself to be less terrified than I had been in the morning. I stayed
till sunset, but humbly desired his highness to excuse me for not accepting
his invitation of lodging in the palace. My two friends and I lay
at a private house in the town adjoining, which is the capital of this
little island; and the next morning we returned to pay our duty to the
governor, as he was pleased to command us.
After this manner we continued in the island for ten days, most part of
every day with the governor, and at night in our lodging. I soon grew so
familiarized to the sight of spirits, that after the third or fourth time
they gave me no emotion at all: or, if I had any apprehensions left, my
curiosity prevailed over them. For his highness the governor ordered me "to
call up whatever persons I would choose to name, and in whatever numbers,
among all the dead from the beginning of the world to the present
time, and command them to answer any questions I should think fit to ask;
with this condition, that my questions must be confined within the compass of
the times they lived in. And one thing I might depend upon, that they
would certainly tell me the truth, for lying was a talent of no use in the
lower world."
I made my humble acknowledgments to his highness for so great
a favour. We were in a chamber, from whence there was a
fair prospect into the park. And because my first inclination was
to be entertained with scenes of pomp and magnificence, I desired to see
Alexander the Great at the head of his army, just after the battle of
Arbela: which, upon a motion of the governor's finger, immediately
appeared in a large field, under the window where we stood. Alexander
was called up into the room: it was with great difficulty that I
understood his Greek, and had but little of my own. He assured me upon
his honour "that he was not poisoned, but died of a bad fever by excessive
drinking."
Next, I saw Hannibal passing the Alps, who told me "he had not a drop of
vinegar in his camp."
I saw Caesar and Pompey at the head of their troops, just ready to
engage. I saw the former, in his last great triumph. I desired
that the senate of Rome might appear before me, in one large chamber, and an
assembly of somewhat a later age in counterview, in another. The first
seemed to be an assembly of heroes and demigods; the other, a knot of
pedlars, pick-pockets, highwayman, and bullies.
The governor, at my request, gave the sign for Caesar and Brutus to
advance towards us. I was struck with a profound veneration at the
sight of Brutus, and could easily discover the most consummate virtue, the
greatest intrepidity and firmness of mind, the truest love of his country,
and general benevolence for mankind, in every lineament of his
countenance. I observed, with much pleasure, that these two persons
were in good intelligence with each other; and Caesar freely confessed to me,
"that the greatest actions of his own life were not equal, by many
degrees, to the glory of taking it away." I had the honour to have
much conversation with Brutus; and was told, "that his ancestor Junius,
Socrates, Epaminondas, Cato the younger, Sir Thomas More, and himself were
perpetually together:" a sextumvirate, to which all the ages of the world
cannot add a seventh.
It would be tedious to trouble the reader with relating what
vast numbers of illustrious persons were called up to gratify
that insatiable desire I had to see the world in every period of antiquity
placed before me. I chiefly fed mine eyes with beholding the destroyers
of tyrants and usurpers, and the restorers of liberty to oppressed and
injured nations. But it is impossible to express the satisfaction I
received in my own mind, after such a manner as to make it a suitable
entertainment to the reader.
CHAPTER VIII.
[A further account of Glubbdubdrib. Ancient and modern
history corrected.]
Having a desire to see those ancients who were most renowned for wit
and learning, I set apart one day on purpose. I proposed that Homer and
Aristotle might appear at the head of all their commentators; but these were
so numerous, that some hundreds were forced to attend in the court, and
outward rooms of the palace. I knew, and could distinguish those two heroes,
at first sight, not only from the crowd, but from each other. Homer was
the taller and comelier person of the two, walked very erect for one of
his age, and his eyes were the most quick and piercing I ever beheld.
Aristotle stooped much, and made use of a staff. His visage was meagre,
his hair lank and thin, and his voice hollow. I soon discovered that both of
them were perfect strangers to the rest of the company, and had never seen or
heard of them before; and I had a whisper from a ghost who shall be nameless,
"that these commentators always kept in the most distant quarters
from their principals, in the lower world, through a consciousness
of shame and guilt, because they had so horribly misrepresented
the meaning of those authors to posterity." I introduced Didymus
and Eustathius to Homer, and prevailed on him to treat them better than
perhaps they deserved, for he soon found they wanted a genius to enter into
the spirit of a poet. But Aristotle was out of all patience with the
account I gave him of Scotus and Ramus, as I presented them to him; and he
asked them, "whether the rest of the tribe were as great dunces as
themselves?"
I then desired the governor to call up Descartes and Gassendi, with whom
I prevailed to explain their systems to Aristotle. This great philosopher
freely acknowledged his own mistakes in natural philosophy, because he
proceeded in many things upon conjecture, as all men must do; and he found
that Gassendi, who had made the doctrine of Epicurus as palatable as he
could, and the vortices of Descartes, were equally to be exploded.
He predicted the same fate to ATTRACTION, whereof the present learned are
such zealous asserters. He said, "that new systems of nature were but
new fashions, which would vary in every age; and even those, who pretend to
demonstrate them from mathematical principles, would flourish but a short
period of time, and be out of vogue when that was determined."
I spent five days in conversing with many others of the
ancient learned. I saw most of the first Roman emperors. I
prevailed on the governor to call up Heliogabalus's cooks to dress us
a dinner, but they could not show us much of their skill, for want of
materials. A helot of Agesilaus made us a dish of Spartan broth, but I
was not able to get down a second spoonful.
The two gentlemen, who conducted me to the island, were pressed by their
private affairs to return in three days, which I employed in seeing some of
the modern dead, who had made the greatest figure, for two or three hundred
years past, in our own and other countries of Europe; and having been always
a great admirer of old illustrious families, I desired the governor
would call up a dozen or two of kings, with their ancestors in order for
eight or nine generations. But my disappointment was grievous and
unexpected. For, instead of a long train with royal diadems, I saw in one
family two fiddlers, three spruce courtiers, and an Italian prelate. In
another, a barber, an abbot, and two cardinals. I have too great a
veneration for crowned heads, to dwell any longer on so nice a subject.
But as to counts, marquises, dukes, earls, and the like, I was not
so scrupulous. And I confess, it was not without some pleasure, that
I found myself able to trace the particular features, by which certain
families are distinguished, up to their originals. I could plainly discover
whence one family derives a long chin; why a second has abounded with knaves
for two generations, and fools for two more; why a third happened to be
crack-brained, and a fourth to be sharpers; whence it came, what Polydore
Virgil says of a certain great house, NEC VIR FORTIS, NEC FOEMINA
CASTA; how cruelty, falsehood, and cowardice, grew to be
characteristics by which certain families are distinguished as much as by
their coats of arms; who first brought the pox into a noble house, which
has lineally descended scrofulous tumours to their posterity. Neither
could I wonder at all this, when I saw such an interruption of lineages, by
pages, lackeys, valets, coachmen, gamesters, fiddlers, players, captains, and
pickpockets.
I was chiefly disgusted with modern history. For having
strictly examined all the persons of greatest name in the courts
of princes, for a hundred years past, I found how the world had
been misled by prostitute writers, to ascribe the greatest exploits
in war, to cowards; the wisest counsel, to fools; sincerity,
to flatterers; Roman virtue, to betrayers of their country; piety, to
atheists; chastity, to sodomites; truth, to informers: how many
innocent and excellent persons had been condemned to death or banishment by
the practising of great ministers upon the corruption of judges, and the
malice of factions: how many villains had been exalted to the highest
places of trust, power, dignity, and profit: how great a share in the
motions and events of courts, councils, and senates might be challenged by
bawds, whores, pimps, parasites, and buffoons. How low an opinion I
had of human wisdom and integrity, when I was truly informed of
the springs and motives of great enterprises and revolutions in the world,
and of the contemptible accidents to which they owed their success.
Here I discovered the roguery and ignorance of those who pretend to
write anecdotes, or secret history; who send so many kings to their graves
with a cup of poison; will repeat the discourse between a prince and chief
minister, where no witness was by; unlock the thoughts and cabinets of
ambassadors and secretaries of state; and have the perpetual misfortune to be
mistaken. Here I discovered the true causes of many great events that
have surprised the world; how a whore can govern the back-stairs,
the back-stairs a council, and the council a senate. A
general confessed, in my presence, "that he got a victory purely by
the force of cowardice and ill conduct;" and an admiral, "that, for want
of proper intelligence, he beat the enemy, to whom he intended to betray the
fleet." Three kings protested to me, "that in their whole reigns they
never did once prefer any person of merit, unless by mistake, or treachery of
some minister in whom they confided; neither would they do it if they were to
live again:" and they showed, with great strength of reason, "that
the royal throne could not be supported without corruption, because that
positive, confident, restiff temper, which virtue infused into a man, was a
perpetual clog to public business."
I had the curiosity to inquire in a particular manner, by what methods
great numbers had procured to themselves high titles of honour, and
prodigious estates; and I confined my inquiry to a very modern period:
however, without grating upon present times, because I would be sure to give
no offence even to foreigners (for I hope the reader need not be told, that I
do not in the least intend my own country, in what I say upon this occasion,)
a great number of persons concerned were called up; and, upon a very
slight examination, discovered such a scene of infamy, that I cannot reflect
upon it without some seriousness. Perjury, oppression, subornation,
fraud, pandarism, and the like infirmities, were among the most excusable
arts they had to mention; and for these I gave, as it was reasonable,
great allowance. But when some confessed they owed their greatness
and wealth to sodomy, or incest; others, to the prostituting of their own
wives and daughters; others, to the betraying of their country or their
prince; some, to poisoning; more to the perverting of justice, in order to
destroy the innocent, I hope I may be pardoned, if these discoveries inclined
me a little to abate of that profound veneration, which I am naturally apt
to pay to persons of high rank, who ought to be treated with the utmost
respect due to their sublime dignity, by us their inferiors.
I had often read of some great services done to princes and states, and
desired to see the persons by whom those services were performed. Upon
inquiry I was told, "that their names were to be found on no record, except a
few of them, whom history has represented as the vilest of rogues and
traitors." As to the rest, I had never once heard of them. They
all appeared with dejected looks, and in the meanest habit; most of them
telling me, "they died in poverty and disgrace, and the rest on a scaffold
or a gibbet."
Among others, there was one person, whose case appeared a
little singular. He had a youth about eighteen years old standing
by his side. He told me, "he had for many years been commander of
a ship; and in the sea fight at Actium had the good fortune to break
through the enemy's great line of battle, sink three of their capital ships,
and take a fourth, which was the sole cause of Antony's flight, and of the
victory that ensued; that the youth standing by him, his only son, was killed
in the action." He added, "that upon the confidence of some merit, the war
being at an end, he went to Rome, and solicited at the court of Augustus
to be preferred to a greater ship, whose commander had been killed; but,
without any regard to his pretensions, it was given to a boy who had never
seen the sea, the son of Libertina, who waited on one of the emperor's
mistresses. Returning back to his own vessel, he was charged with
neglect of duty, and the ship given to a favourite page of Publicola, the
vice-admiral; whereupon he retired to a poor farm at a great distance
from Rome, and there ended his life." I was so curious to know
the truth of this story, that I desired Agrippa might be called, who was
admiral in that fight. He appeared, and confirmed the
whole account: but with much more advantage to the captain,
whose modesty had extenuated or concealed a great part of his merit.
I was surprised to find corruption grown so high and so quick in that
empire, by the force of luxury so lately introduced; which made me less
wonder at many parallel cases in other countries, where vices of all kinds
have reigned so much longer, and where the whole praise, as well as pillage,
has been engrossed by the chief commander, who perhaps had the least title to
either.
As every person called up made exactly the same appearance he had done
in the world, it gave me melancholy reflections to observe how much the race
of human kind was degenerated among us within these hundred years past; how
the pox, under all its consequences and denominations had altered every
lineament of an English countenance; shortened the size of bodies, unbraced
the nerves, relaxed the sinews and muscles, introduced a sallow
complexion, and rendered the flesh loose and rancid.
I descended so low, as to desire some English yeoman of the old stamp
might be summoned to appear; once so famous for the simplicity of their
manners, diet, and dress; for justice in their dealings; for their true
spirit of liberty; for their valour, and love of their country. Neither
could I be wholly unmoved, after comparing the living with the dead, when
I considered how all these pure native virtues were prostituted for a
piece of money by their grand-children; who, in selling their votes and
managing at elections, have acquired every vice and corruption that can
possibly be learned in a court.
CHAPTER IX.
[The author returns to Maldonada. Sails to the kingdom
of Luggnagg. The author confined. He is sent for to court.
The manner of his admittance. The king's great lenity to
his subjects.]
The day of our departure being come, I took leave of his highness,
the Governor of Glubbdubdrib, and returned with my two companions to
Maldonada, where, after a fortnight's waiting, a ship was ready to sail for
Luggnagg. The two gentlemen, and some others, were so generous and kind
as to furnish me with provisions, and see me on board. I was a month in
this voyage. We had one violent storm, and were under a necessity of
steering westward to get into the trade wind, which holds for above
sixty leagues. On the 21st of April, 1708, we sailed into the river
of Clumegnig, which is a seaport town, at the south-east point
of Luggnagg. We cast anchor within a league of the town, and made
a signal for a pilot. Two of them came on board in less than half an
hour, by whom we were guided between certain shoals and rocks, which are very
dangerous in the passage, to a large basin, where a fleet may ride in safety
within a cable's length of the town-wall.
Some of our sailors, whether out of treachery or inadvertence, had
informed the pilots "that I was a stranger, and great traveller;" whereof
these gave notice to a custom-house officer, by whom I was examined very
strictly upon my landing. This officer spoke to me in the language of
Balnibarbi, which, by the force of much commerce, is generally understood in
that town, especially by seamen and those employed in the customs. I
gave him a short account of some particulars, and made my story
as plausible and consistent as I could; but I thought it necessary to
disguise my country, and call myself a Hollander; because my intentions were
for Japan, and I knew the Dutch were the only Europeans permitted to enter
into that kingdom. I therefore told the officer, "that having been
shipwrecked on the coast of Balnibarbi, and cast on a rock, I was received up
into Laputa, or the flying island (of which he had often heard), and was
now endeavouring to get to Japan, whence I might find a convenience of
returning to my own country." The officer said, "I must be confined till he
could receive orders from court, for which he would write immediately, and
hoped to receive an answer in a fortnight." I was carried to a
convenient lodging with a sentry placed at the door; however, I had the
liberty of a large garden, and was treated with humanity enough, being
maintained all the time at the king's charge. I was invited by several
persons, chiefly out of curiosity, because it was reported that I
came from countries very remote, of which they had never heard.
I hired a young man, who came in the same ship, to be an interpreter; he
was a native of Luggnagg, but had lived some years at Maldonada, and was a
perfect master of both languages. By his assistance, I was able to hold a
conversation with those who came to visit me; but this consisted only of
their questions, and my answers.
The despatch came from court about the time we expected.
It contained a warrant for conducting me and my retinue to TRALDRAGDUBH,
or TRILDROGDRIB (for it is pronounced both ways as near as I can remember),
by a party of ten horse. All my retinue was that poor lad for an
interpreter, whom I persuaded into my service, and, at my humble request, we
had each of us a mule to ride on. A messenger was despatched half a
day's journey before us, to give the king notice of my approach, and to
desire, "that his majesty would please to appoint a day and hour, when it
would by his gracious pleasure that I might have the honour to lick
the dust before his footstool." This is the court style, and I
found it to be more than matter of form: for, upon my admittance
two days after my arrival, I was commanded to crawl upon my belly, and
lick the floor as I advanced; but, on account of my being a stranger, care
was taken to have it made so clean, that the dust was not offensive.
However, this was a peculiar grace, not allowed to any but persons of the
highest rank, when they desire an admittance. Nay, sometimes the floor
is strewed with dust on purpose, when the person to be admitted happens to
have powerful enemies at court; and I have seen a great lord with his mouth
so crammed, that when he had crept to the proper distance from the throne;
he was not able to speak a word. Neither is there any remedy; because
it is capital for those, who receive an audience to spit or wipe their mouths
in his majesty's presence. There is indeed another custom, which I
cannot altogether approve of: when the king has a mind to put any of his
nobles to death in a gentle indulgent manner, he commands the floor to be
strewed with a certain brown powder of a deadly composition, which
being licked up, infallibly kills him in twenty-four hours. But
in justice to this prince's great clemency, and the care he has of his
subjects' lives (wherein it were much to be wished that the Monarchs of
Europe would imitate him), it must be mentioned for his honour, that strict
orders are given to have the infected parts of the floor well washed after
every such execution, which, if his domestics neglect, they are in danger of
incurring his royal displeasure. I myself heard him give directions,
that one of his pages should be whipped, whose turn it was to give
notice about washing the floor after an execution, but maliciously
had omitted it; by which neglect a young lord of great hopes, coming to an
audience, was unfortunately poisoned, although the king at that time had no
design against his life. But this good prince was so gracious as to
forgive the poor page his whipping, upon promise that he would do so no more,
without special orders.
To return from this digression. When I had crept within four yards
of the throne, I raised myself gently upon my knees, and then striking my
forehead seven times against the ground, I pronounced the following words, as
they had been taught me the night before, INCKPLING GLOFFTHROBB SQUUT
SERUMMBLHIOP MLASHNALT ZWIN TNODBALKUFFH SLHIOPHAD GURDLUBH ASHT. This
is the compliment, established by the laws of the land, for all
persons admitted to the king's presence. It may be rendered into
English thus: "May your celestial majesty outlive the sun, eleven
moons and a half!" To this the king returned some answer, which, although
I could not understand, yet I replied as I had been directed: FLUFT
DRIN YALERICK DWULDOM PRASTRAD MIRPUSH, which properly signifies, "My tongue
is in the mouth of my friend;" and by this expression was meant, that I
desired leave to bring my interpreter; whereupon the young man already
mentioned was accordingly introduced, by whose intervention I answered as
many questions as his majesty could put in above an hour. I spoke
in the Balnibarbian tongue, and my interpreter delivered my meaning in
that of Luggnagg.
The king was much delighted with my company, and ordered
his BLIFFMARKLUB, or high-chamberlain, to appoint a lodging in the court
for me and my interpreter; with a daily allowance for my table, and a large
purse of gold for my common expenses.
I staid three months in this country, out of perfect obedience to his
majesty; who was pleased highly to favour me, and made me very honourable
offers. But I thought it more consistent with prudence and justice to
pass the remainder of my days with my wife and family.
CHAPTER X.
[The Luggnaggians commended. A particular description of
the Struldbrugs, with many conversations between the author and
some eminent persons upon that subject.]
The Luggnaggians are a polite and generous people; and although they
are not without some share of that pride which is peculiar to all Eastern
countries, yet they show themselves courteous to strangers, especially such
who are countenanced by the court. I had many acquaintance, and among
persons of the best fashion; and being always attended by my interpreter, the
conversation we had was not disagreeable.
One day, in much good company, I was asked by a person of quality,
"whether I had seen any of their STRULDBRUGS, or immortals?" I said, "I
had not;" and desired he would explain to me "what he meant by such an
appellation, applied to a mortal creature." He told me "that sometimes,
though very rarely, a child happened to be born in a family, with a red
circular spot in the forehead, directly over the left eyebrow, which was
an infallible mark that it should never die." The spot, as
he described it, "was about the compass of a silver threepence, but in the
course of time grew larger, and changed its colour; for at twelve years old
it became green, so continued till five and twenty, then turned to a deep
blue: at five and forty it grew coal black, and as large as an English
shilling; but never admitted any further alteration." He said, "these
births were so rare, that he did not believe there could be above eleven
hundred struldbrugs, of both sexes, in the whole kingdom; of which
he computed about fifty in the metropolis, and, among the rest, a young
girl born; about three years ago: that these productions were not peculiar to
any family, but a mere effect of chance; and the children of the STRULDBRUGS
themselves were equally mortal with the rest of the people."
I freely own myself to have been struck with inexpressible delight, upon
hearing this account: and the person who gave it me happening to
understand the Balnibarbian language, which I spoke very well, I could not
forbear breaking out into expressions, perhaps a little too
extravagant. I cried out, as in a rapture, "Happy nation, where every
child hath at least a chance for being immortal! Happy people, who
enjoy so many living examples of ancient virtue, and have masters ready
to instruct them in the wisdom of all former ages! but happiest, beyond
all comparison, are those excellent STRULDBRUGS, who, being born exempt from
that universal calamity of human nature, have their minds free and
disengaged, without the weight and depression of spirits caused by the
continual apprehensions of death!" I discovered my admiration that I
had not observed any of these illustrious persons at court; the black spot on
the forehead being so remarkable a distinction, that I could not
have easily overlooked it: and it was impossible that his majesty,
a most judicious prince, should not provide himself with a good number of
such wise and able counsellors. Yet perhaps the virtue of those
reverend sages was too strict for the corrupt and libertine manners of a
court: and we often find by experience, that young men are too
opinionated and volatile to be guided by the sober dictates of their
seniors. However, since the king was pleased to allow me access to his
royal person, I was resolved, upon the very first occasion, to deliver my
opinion to him on this matter freely and at large, by the help of my
interpreter; and whether he would please to take my advice or not, yet in
one thing I was determined, that his majesty having frequently offered me
an establishment in this country, I would, with great thankfulness, accept
the favour, and pass my life here in the conversation of those superior
beings the STRULDBRUGS, if they would please to admit me."
The gentleman to whom I addressed my discourse, because (as I have
already observed) he spoke the language of Balnibarbi, said to me, with
a sort of a smile which usually arises from pity to the ignorant, "that he
was glad of any occasion to keep me among them, and desired my permission to
explain to the company what I had spoke." He did so, and they talked
together for some time in their own language, whereof I understood not a
syllable, neither could I observe by their countenances, what impression
my discourse had made on them. After a short silence, the
same person told me, "that his friends and mine (so he thought fit
to express himself) were very much pleased with the judicious remarks I
had made on the great happiness and advantages of immortal life, and they
were desirous to know, in a particular manner, what scheme of living I should
have formed to myself, if it had fallen to my lot to have been born a
STRULDBRUG."
I answered, "it was easy to be eloquent on so copious and delightful a
subject, especially to me, who had been often apt to amuse myself with
visions of what I should do, if I were a king, a general, or a great
lord: and upon this very case, I had frequently run over the whole
system how I should employ myself, and pass the time, if I were sure to live
for ever.
"That, if it had been my good fortune to come into the world
a STRULDBRUG, as soon as I could discover my own happiness,
by understanding the difference between life and death, I would first
resolve, by all arts and methods, whatsoever, to procure myself riches.
In the pursuit of which, by thrift and management, I might reasonably expect,
in about two hundred years, to be the wealthiest man in the kingdom. In
the second place, I would, from my earliest youth, apply myself to the
study of arts and sciences, by which I should arrive in time to excel all
others in learning. Lastly, I would carefully record every action and
event of consequence, that happened in the public, impartially draw the
characters of the several successions of princes and great ministers of
state, with my own observations on every point. I would exactly set
down the several changes in customs, language, fashions of dress, diet, and
diversions. By all which acquirements, I should be a living treasure
of knowledge and wisdom, and certainly become the oracle of
the nation.
"I would never marry after threescore, but live in a hospitable manner,
yet still on the saving side. I would entertain myself in forming and
directing the minds of hopeful young men, by convincing them, from my own
remembrance, experience, and observation, fortified by numerous examples, of
the usefulness of virtue in public and private life. But my choice and
constant companions should be a set of my own immortal brotherhood;
among whom, I would elect a dozen from the most ancient, down to my
own contemporaries. Where any of these wanted fortunes, I would provide
them with convenient lodges round my own estate, and have some of them always
at my table; only mingling a few of the most valuable among you mortals, whom
length of time would harden me to lose with little or no reluctance, and
treat your posterity after the same manner; just as a man diverts himself
with the annual succession of pinks and tulips in his garden,
without regretting the loss of those which withered the preceding year.
"These STRULDBRUGS and I would mutually communicate our observations and
memorials, through the course of time; remark the several gradations by which
corruption steals into the world, and oppose it in every step, by giving
perpetual warning and instruction to mankind; which, added to the strong
influence of our own example, would probably prevent that continual
degeneracy of human nature so justly complained of in all ages.
"Add to this, the pleasure of seeing the various revolutions of states
and empires; the changes in the lower and upper world; ancient cities in
ruins, and obscure villages become the seats of kings; famous rivers
lessening into shallow brooks; the ocean leaving one coast dry, and
overwhelming another; the discovery of many countries yet unknown; barbarity
overrunning the politest nations, and the most barbarous become
civilized. I should then see the discovery of the longitude, the
perpetual motion, the universal medicine, and many other great inventions,
brought to the utmost perfection.
"What wonderful discoveries should we make in astronomy, by outliving
and confirming our own predictions; by observing the progress and return of
comets, with the changes of motion in the sun, moon, and stars!"
I enlarged upon many other topics, which the natural desire of endless
life, and sublunary happiness, could easily furnish me with. When I had
ended, and the sum of my discourse had been interpreted, as before, to the
rest of the company, there was a good deal of talk among them in the language
of the country, not without some laughter at my expense. At last, the
same gentleman who had been my interpreter, said, "he was desired by the rest
to set me right in a few mistakes, which I had fallen into through the
common imbecility of human nature, and upon that allowance was less
answerable for them. That this breed of STRULDBRUGS was peculiar to
their country, for there were no such people either in Balnibarbi or Japan,
where he had the honour to be ambassador from his majesty, and found the
natives in both those kingdoms very hard to believe that the fact was
possible: and it appeared from my astonishment when he first mentioned
the matter to me, that I received it as a thing wholly new, and scarcely to
be credited. That in the two kingdoms above mentioned, where, during his
residence, he had conversed very much, he observed long life to be the
universal desire and wish of mankind. That whoever had one foot in the
grave was sure to hold back the other as strongly as he could. That the
oldest had still hopes of living one day longer, and looked on death as the
greatest evil, from which nature always prompted him to retreat. Only
in this island of Luggnagg the appetite for living was not so eager, from
the continual example of the STRULDBRUGS before their eyes.
"That the system of living contrived by me, was unreasonable and unjust;
because it supposed a perpetuity of youth, health, and vigour, which no man
could be so foolish to hope, however extravagant he may be in his
wishes. That the question therefore was not, whether a man would choose
to be always in the prime of youth, attended with prosperity and health; but
how he would pass a perpetual life under all the usual disadvantages which
old age brings along with it. For although few men will avow
their desires of being immortal, upon such hard conditions, yet in the two
kingdoms before mentioned, of Balnibarbi and Japan, he observed that every
man desired to put off death some time longer, let it approach ever so
late: and he rarely heard of any man who died willingly, except he were
incited by the extremity of grief or torture. And he appealed to me,
whether in those countries I had travelled, as well as my own, I had not
observed the same general disposition."
After this preface, he gave me a particular account of the STRULDBRUGS
among them. He said, "they commonly acted like mortals till about
thirty years old; after which, by degrees, they grew melancholy and dejected,
increasing in both till they came to fourscore. This he learned from
their own confession: for otherwise, there not being above two or three of
that species born in an age, they were too few to form a general
observation by. When they came to fourscore years, which is reckoned
the extremity of living in this country, they had not only all the follies
and infirmities of other old men, but many more which arose from the dreadful
prospect of never dying. They were not only opinionative, peevish,
covetous, morose, vain, talkative, but incapable of friendship, and dead to
all natural affection, which never descended below their grandchildren.
Envy and impotent desires are their prevailing passions. But
those objects against which their envy seems principally directed, are the
vices of the younger sort and the deaths of the old. By reflecting on
the former, they find themselves cut off from all possibility of pleasure;
and whenever they see a funeral, they lament and repine that others have gone
to a harbour of rest to which they themselves never can hope to arrive.
They have no remembrance of anything but what they learned and observed
in their youth and middle-age, and even that is very imperfect; and for
the truth or particulars of any fact, it is safer to depend on common
tradition, than upon their best recollections. The least miserable
among them appear to be those who turn to dotage, and entirely lose their
memories; these meet with more pity and assistance, because they want many
bad qualities which abound in others.
"If a STRULDBRUG happen to marry one of his own kind, the marriage is
dissolved of course, by the courtesy of the kingdom, as soon as the younger
of the two comes to be fourscore; for the law thinks it a reasonable
indulgence, that those who are condemned, without any fault of their own, to
a perpetual continuance in the world, should not have their misery doubled
by the load of a wife.
"As soon as they have completed the term of eighty years, they are
looked on as dead in law; their heirs immediately succeed to their estates;
only a small pittance is reserved for their support; and the poor ones are
maintained at the public charge. After that period, they are held incapable
of any employment of trust or profit; they cannot purchase lands, or take
leases; neither are they allowed to be witnesses in any cause,
either civil or criminal, not even for the decision of meers and
bounds.
"At ninety, they lose their teeth and hair; they have at that age no
distinction of taste, but eat and drink whatever they can get, without relish
or appetite. The diseases they were subject to still continue, without
increasing or diminishing. In talking, they forget the common
appellation of things, and the names of persons, even of those who are their
nearest friends and relations. For the same reason, they never can amuse
themselves with reading, because their memory will not serve to carry
them from the beginning of a sentence to the end; and by this defect, they
are deprived of the only entertainment whereof they might otherwise be
capable.
The language of this country being always upon the flux, the STRULDBRUGS
of one age do not understand those of another; neither are they able, after
two hundred years, to hold any conversation (farther than by a few general
words) with their neighbours the mortals; and thus they lie under the
disadvantage of living like foreigners in their own country."
This was the account given me of the STRULDBRUGS, as near as I can
remember. I afterwards saw five or six of different ages, the youngest
not above two hundred years old, who were brought to me at several times by
some of my friends; but although they were told, "that I was a great
traveller, and had seen all the world," they had not the least curiosity to
ask me a question; only desired "I would give them SLUMSKUDASK," or a token
of remembrance; which is a modest way of begging, to avoid the law, that
strictly forbids it, because they are provided for by the public, although
indeed with a very scanty allowance.
They are despised and hated by all sorts of people. When one
of them is born, it is reckoned ominous, and their birth is recorded very
particularly so that you may know their age by consulting the register,
which, however, has not been kept above a thousand years past, or at least
has been destroyed by time or public disturbances. But the usual way of
computing how old they are, is by asking them what kings or great persons
they can remember, and then consulting history; for infallibly the last
prince in their mind did not begin his reign after they were
four-score years old.
They were the most mortifying sight I ever beheld; and the women more
horrible than the men. Besides the usual deformities in extreme old
age, they acquired an additional ghastliness, in proportion to their number
of years, which is not to be described; and among half a dozen, I soon
distinguished which was the eldest, although there was not above a century or
two between them.
The reader will easily believe, that from what I had hear and seen, my
keen appetite for perpetuity of life was much abated. I grew heartily
ashamed of the pleasing visions I had formed; and thought no tyrant could
invent a death into which I would not run with pleasure, from such a
life. The king heard of all that had passed between me and my friends
upon this occasion, and rallied me very pleasantly; wishing I could send a
couple of STRULDBRUGS to my own country, to arm our people against the fear
of death; but this, it seems, is forbidden by the fundamental laws of
the kingdom, or else I should have been well content with the trouble and
expense of transporting them.
I could not but agree, that the laws of this kingdom relative to the
STRULDBRUGS were founded upon the strongest reasons, and such as any other
country would be under the necessity of enacting, in the like
circumstances. Otherwise, as avarice is the necessary consequence of
old age, those immortals would in time become proprietors of the whole
nation, and engross the civil power, which, for want of abilities to manage,
must end in the ruin of the public.
CHAPTER XI.
[The author leaves Luggnagg, and sails to Japan. From thence
he returns in a Dutch ship to Amsterdam, and from Amsterdam
to England.]
I thought this account of the STRULDBRUGS might be
some entertainment to the reader, because it seems to be a little out of
the common way; at least I do not remember to have met the like in any book
of travels that has come to my hands: and if I am deceived, my excuse
must be, that it is necessary for travellers who describe the same country,
very often to agree in dwelling on the same particulars, without deserving
the censure of having borrowed or transcribed from those who wrote
before them.
There is indeed a perpetual commerce between this kingdom and the great
empire of Japan; and it is very probable, that the Japanese authors may have
given some account of the STRULDBRUGS; but my stay in Japan was so short, and
I was so entirely a stranger to the language, that I was not qualified to
make any inquiries. But I hope the Dutch, upon this notice, will be curious
and able enough to supply my defects.
His majesty having often pressed me to accept some employment in his
court, and finding me absolutely determined to return to my native country,
was pleased to give me his license to depart; and honoured me with a letter
of recommendation, under his own hand, to the Emperor of Japan. He
likewise presented me with four hundred and forty-four large pieces of gold
(this nation delighting in even numbers), and a red diamond, which I sold
in England for eleven hundred pounds.
On the 6th of May, 1709, I took a solemn leave of his majesty, and all
my friends. This prince was so gracious as to order a guard to conduct
me to Glanguenstald, which is a royal port to the south-west part of the
island. In six days I found a vessel ready to carry me to Japan, and
spent fifteen days in the voyage.
We landed at a small port-town called Xamoschi, situated on
the south-east part of Japan; the town lies on the western point, where
there is a narrow strait leading northward into along arm of the sea, upon
the north-west part of which, Yedo, the metropolis, stands. At landing,
I showed the custom-house officers my letter from the king of Luggnagg to his
imperial majesty. They knew the seal perfectly well; it was as broad
as the palm of my hand. The impression was, A KING LIFTING UP A LAME
BEGGAR FROM THE EARTH. The magistrates of the town, hearing of my
letter, received me as a public minister. They provided me with carriages and
servants, and bore my charges to Yedo; where I was admitted to an audience,
and delivered my letter, which was opened with great ceremony, and explained
to the Emperor by an interpreter, who then gave me notice, by his majesty's
order, "that I should signify my request, and, whatever it were, it should
be granted, for the sake of his royal brother of Luggnagg." This
interpreter was a person employed to transact affairs with the
Hollanders. He soon conjectured, by my countenance, that I was a
European, and therefore repeated his majesty's commands in Low Dutch, which
he spoke perfectly well. I answered, as I had before determined, "that I was
a Dutch merchant, shipwrecked in a very remote country, whence I
had travelled by sea and land to Luggnagg, and then took shipping
for Japan; where I knew my countrymen often traded, and with some of these
I hoped to get an opportunity of returning into Europe: I therefore
most humbly entreated his royal favour, to give order that I should be
conducted in safety to Nangasac." To this I added another petition,
"that for the sake of my patron the king of Luggnagg, his majesty would
condescend to excuse my performing the ceremony imposed on my countrymen, of
trampling upon the crucifix: because I had been thrown into his kingdom
by my misfortunes, without any intention of trading." When this
latter petition was interpreted to the Emperor, he seemed a
little surprised; and said, "he believed I was the first of my countrymen
who ever made any scruple in this point; and that he began to doubt, whether
I was a real Hollander, or not; but rather suspected I must be a Christian.
However, for the reasons I had offered, but chiefly to gratify the king of
Luggnagg by an uncommon mark of his favour, he would comply with the
singularity of my humour; but the affair must be managed with dexterity,
and his officers should be commanded to let me pass, as it were
by forgetfulness. For he assured me, that if the secret should
be discovered by my countrymen the Dutch, they would cut my throat in the
voyage." I returned my thanks, by the interpreter, for so unusual a
favour; and some troops being at that time on their march to Nangasac, the
commanding officer had orders to convey me safe thither, with particular
instructions about the business of the crucifix.
On the 9th day of June, 1709, I arrived at Nangasac, after a very long
and troublesome journey. I soon fell into the company of some Dutch
sailors belonging to the Amboyna, of Amsterdam, a stout ship of 450
tons. I had lived long in Holland, pursuing my studies at Leyden, and I
spoke Dutch well. The seamen soon knew whence I came last: they
were curious to inquire into my voyages and course of life. I made up a
story as short and probable as I could, but concealed the greatest
part. I knew many persons in Holland. I was able to invent names
for my parents, whom I pretended to be obscure people in the province of
Gelderland. I would have given the captain (one Theodorus Vangrult)
what he pleased to ask for my voyage to Holland; but understanding I was a
surgeon, he was contented to take half the usual rate, on condition that I
would serve him in the way of my calling. Before we took shipping, I was
often asked by some of the crew, whether I had performed the ceremony above
mentioned? I evaded the question by general answers; "that I had
satisfied the Emperor and court in all particulars." However, a
malicious rogue of a skipper went to an officer, and pointing to me,
told him, "I had not yet trampled on the crucifix;" but the other, who had
received instructions to let me pass, gave the rascal twenty strokes on the
shoulders with a bamboo; after which I was no more troubled with such
questions.
Nothing happened worth mentioning in this voyage. We sailed with a
fair wind to the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid only to take in fresh
water. On the 10th of April, 1710, we arrived safe at Amsterdam, having
lost only three men by sickness in the voyage, and a fourth, who fell from
the foremast into the sea, not far from the coast of Guinea. From
Amsterdam I soon after set sail for England, in a small vessel belonging to
that city.
On the 16th of April we put in at the Downs. I landed
next morning, and saw once more my native country, after an absence
of five years and six months complete. I went straight to
Redriff, where I arrived the same day at two in the afternoon, and
found my wife and family in good health.
PART IV. A VOYAGE TO THE COUNTRY OF THE HOUYHNHNMS.
CHAPTER I.
[The author sets out as captain of a ship. His men
conspire against him, confine him a long time to his cabin, and set him
on shore in an unknown land. He travels up into the country.
The Yahoos, a strange sort of animal, described. The author
meets two Houyhnhnms.]
I continued at home with my wife and children about five months, in
a very happy condition, if I could have learned the lesson of knowing when I
was well. I left my poor wife big with child, and accepted an
advantageous offer made me to be captain of the Adventurer, a stout
merchantman of 350 tons: for I understood navigation well, and being
grown weary of a surgeon's employment at sea, which, however, I could
exercise upon occasion, I took a skilful young man of that calling, one
Robert Purefoy, into my ship. We set sail from Portsmouth upon the 7th
day of September, 1710; on the 14th we met with Captain Pocock, of Bristol,
at Teneriffe, who was going to the bay of Campechy to cut logwood. On the
16th, he was parted from us by a storm; I heard since my return, that his
ship foundered, and none escaped but one cabin boy. He was an honest
man, and a good sailor, but a little too positive in his own opinions, which
was the cause of his destruction, as it has been with several others; for if
he had followed my advice, he might have been safe at home with his family
at this time, as well as myself.
I had several men who died in my ship of calentures, so that I was
forced to get recruits out of Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, where I
touched, by the direction of the merchants who employed me; which I had soon
too much cause to repent: for I found afterwards, that most of them had
been buccaneers. I had fifty hands onboard; and my orders were, that I
should trade with the Indians in the South-Sea, and make what discoveries I
could. These rogues, whom I had picked up, debauched my other men,
and they all formed a conspiracy to seize the ship, and secure me; which
they did one morning, rushing into my cabin, and binding me hand and foot,
threatening to throw me overboard, if I offered to stir. I told them,
"I was their prisoner, and would submit." This they made me swear to do, and
then they unbound me, only fastening one of my legs with a chain, near my
bed, and placed a sentry at my door with his piece charged, who was commanded
to shoot me dead if I attempted my liberty. They sent me
own victuals and drink, and took the government of the ship
to themselves. Their design was to turn pirates and, plunder
the Spaniards, which they could not do till they got more men.
But first they resolved to sell the goods the ship, and then go
to Madagascar for recruits, several among them having died since
my confinement. They sailed many weeks, and traded with the Indians;
but I knew not what course they took, being kept a close prisoner in my
cabin, and expecting nothing less than to be murdered, as they often
threatened me.
Upon the 9th day of May, 1711, one James Welch came down to my cabin,
and said, "he had orders from the captain to set me ashore." I expostulated
with him, but in vain; neither would he so much as tell me who their new
captain was. They forced me into the long-boat, letting me put on my
best suit of clothes, which were as good as new, and take a small bundle of
linen, but no arms, except my hanger; and they were so civil as not
to search my pockets, into which I conveyed what money I had, with some
other little necessaries. They rowed about a league, and then set me
down on a strand. I desired them to tell me what country it was.
They all swore, "they knew no more than myself;" but said, "that the captain"
(as they called him) "was resolved, after they had sold the lading, to get
rid of me in the first place where they could discover land." They
pushed off immediately, advising me to make haste for fear of
being overtaken by the tide, and so bade me farewell.
In this desolate condition I advanced forward, and soon got upon firm
ground, where I sat down on a bank to rest myself, and consider what I had
best do. When I was a little refreshed, I went up into the country,
resolving to deliver myself to the first savages I should meet, and purchase
my life from them by some bracelets, glass rings, and other toys, which
sailors usually provide themselves with in those voyages, and whereof
I had some about me. The land was divided by long rows of trees, not
regularly planted, but naturally growing; there was great plenty of grass,
and several fields of oats. I walked very circumspectly, for fear of
being surprised, or suddenly shot with an arrow from behind, or on either
side. I fell into a beaten road, where I saw many tracts of human feet,
and some of cows, but most of horses. At last I beheld several animals in a
field, and one or two of the same kind sitting in trees. Their
shape was very singular and deformed, which a little discomposed me,
so that I lay down behind a thicket to observe them better. Some
of them coming forward near the place where I lay, gave me an opportunity
of distinctly marking their form. Their heads and breasts were covered
with a thick hair, some frizzled, and others lank; they had beards like
goats, and a long ridge of hair down their backs, and the fore parts of their
legs and feet; but the rest of their bodies was bare, so that I might see
their skins, which were of a brown buff colour. They had no tails, nor
any hair at all on their buttocks, except about the anus, which,
I presume, nature had placed there to defend them as they sat on the
ground, for this posture they used, as well as lying down, and often stood on
their hind feet. They climbed high trees as nimbly as a squirrel, for
they had strong extended claws before and behind, terminating in sharp
points, and hooked. They would often spring, and bound, and leap, with
prodigious agility. The females were not so large as the males; they had long
lank hair on their heads, but none on their faces, nor any thing more
than a sort of down on the rest of their bodies, except about the anus and
pudenda. The dugs hung between their fore feet, and often reached
almost to the ground as they walked. The hair of both sexes was of
several colours, brown, red, black, and yellow. Upon the whole, I never
beheld, in all my travels, so disagreeable an animal, or one against which I
naturally conceived so strong an antipathy. So that, thinking I had
seen enough, full of contempt and aversion, I got up, and pursued
the beaten road, hoping it might direct me to the cabin of
some Indian. I had not got far, when I met one of these
creatures full in my way, and coming up directly to me. The ugly
monster, when he saw me, distorted several ways, every feature of
his visage, and stared, as at an object he had never seen before; then
approaching nearer, lifted up his fore-paw, whether out of curiosity or
mischief I could not tell; but I drew my hanger, and gave him a good blow
with the flat side of it, for I durst not strike with the edge, fearing the
inhabitants might be provoked against me, if they should come to know that I
had killed or maimed any of their cattle. When the beast felt the
smart, he drew back, and roared so loud, that a herd of at least forty
came flocking about me from the next field, howling and making
odious faces; but I ran to the body of a tree, and leaning my back against
it, kept them off by waving my hanger. Several of this cursed brood,
getting hold of the branches behind, leaped up into the tree, whence they
began to discharge their excrements on my head; however, I escaped pretty
well by sticking close to the stem of the tree, but was almost stifled with
the filth, which fell about me on every side.
In the midst of this distress, I observed them all to run away on a
sudden as fast as they could; at which I ventured to leave the tree and
pursue the road, wondering what it was that could put them into this
fright. But looking on my left hand, I saw a horse walking softly in
the field; which my persecutors having sooner discovered, was the cause of
their flight. The horse started a little, when he came near me, but
soon recovering himself, looked full in my face with manifest tokens of
wonder; he viewed my hands and feet, walking round me several times.
I would have pursued my journey, but he placed himself directly in the
way, yet looking with a very mild aspect, never offering the least
violence. We stood gazing at each other for some time; at last I took
the boldness to reach my hand towards his neck with a design to stroke it,
using the common style and whistle of jockeys, when they are going to handle
a strange horse. But this animal seemed to receive my civilities with
disdain, shook his head, and bent his brows, softly raising up his right
fore-foot to remove my hand. Then he neighed three or four times, but
in so different a cadence, that I almost began to think he was speaking to
himself, in some language of his own.
While he and I were thus employed, another horse came up; who applying
himself to the first in a very formal manner, they gently struck each other's
right hoof before, neighing several times by turns, and varying the sound,
which seemed to be almost articulate. They went some paces off, as if it were
to confer together, walking side by side, backward and forward,
like persons deliberating upon some affair of weight, but often turning
their eyes towards me, as it were to watch that I might not escape. I
was amazed to see such actions and behaviour in brute beasts; and concluded
with myself, that if the inhabitants of this country were endued with a
proportionable degree of reason, they must needs be the wisest people upon
earth. This thought gave me so much comfort, that I resolved to go
forward, until I could discover some house or village, or meet with any
of the natives, leaving the two horses to discourse together as
they pleased. But the first, who was a dapple gray, observing me
to steal off, neighed after me in so expressive a tone, that I fancied
myself to understand what he meant; whereupon I turned back, and came near to
him to expect his farther commands: but concealing my fear as much as I
could, for I began to be in some pain how this adventure might terminate; and
the reader will easily believe I did not much like my present
situation.
The two horses came up close to me, looking with great earnestness upon
my face and hands. The gray steed rubbed my hat all round with his
right fore-hoof, and discomposed it so much that I was forced to adjust it
better by taking it off and settling it again; whereat, both he and his
companion (who was a brown bay) appeared to be much surprised: the
latter felt the lappet of my coat, and finding it to hang loose about me,
they both looked with new signs of wonder. He stroked my right
hand, seeming to admire the softness and colour; but he squeezed it
so hard between his hoof and his pastern, that I was forced to roar; after
which they both touched me with all possible tenderness. They were under
great perplexity about my shoes and stockings, which they felt very often,
neighing to each other, and using various gestures, not unlike those of a
philosopher, when he would attempt to solve some new and difficult
phenomenon.
Upon the whole, the behaviour of these animals was so orderly
and rational, so acute and judicious, that I at last concluded they must
needs be magicians, who had thus metamorphosed themselves upon some design,
and seeing a stranger in the way, resolved to divert themselves with him; or,
perhaps, were really amazed at the sight of a man so very different in habit,
feature, and complexion, from those who might probably live in so remote
a climate. Upon the strength of this reasoning, I ventured
to address them in the following manner: "Gentlemen, if you
be conjurers, as I have good cause to believe, you can understand
my language; therefore I make bold to let your worships know that I am a
poor distressed Englishman, driven by his misfortunes upon your coast; and I
entreat one of you to let me ride upon his back, as if he were a real horse,
to some house or village where I can be relieved. In return of which
favour, I will make you a present of this knife and bracelet," taking them
out of my pocket. The two creatures stood silent while I spoke, seeming
to listen with great attention, and when I had ended, they
neighed frequently towards each other, as if they were engaged in
serious conversation. I plainly observed that their language
expressed the passions very well, and the words might, with little
pains, be resolved into an alphabet more easily than the Chinese.
I could frequently distinguish the word YAHOO, which was repeated by
each of them several times: and although it was impossible for me to
conjecture what it meant, yet while the two horses were busy in conversation,
I endeavoured to practise this word upon my tongue; and as soon as they were
silent, I boldly pronounced YAHOO in a loud voice, imitating at the same
time, as near as I could, the neighing of a horse; at which they were both
visibly surprised; and the gray repeated the same word twice, as if
he meant to teach me the right accent; wherein I spoke after him as well
as I could, and found myself perceivably to improve every time, though very
far from any degree of perfection. Then the bay tried me with a second
word, much harder to be pronounced; but reducing it to the English
orthography, may be spelt thus, HOUYHNHNM. I did not succeed in this so
well as in the former; but after two or three farther trials, I had better
fortune; and they both appeared amazed at my capacity.
After some further discourse, which I then conjectured might relate to
me, the two friends took their leaves, with the same compliment of striking
each other's hoof; and the gray made me signs that I should walk before him;
wherein I thought it prudent to comply, till I could find a better
director. When I offered to slacken my pace, he would cry HHUUN
HHUUN: I guessed his meaning, and gave him to understand, as well as I
could, "that I was weary, and not able to walk faster;" upon which he
would stand awhile to let me rest.
CHAPTER II.
[The author conducted by a Houyhnhnm to his house. The
house described. The author's reception. The food of the
Houyhnhnms. The author in distress for want of meat. Is at last
relieved. His manner of feeding in this country.]
Having travelled about three miles, we came to a long kind
of building, made of timber stuck in the ground, and wattled across; the
roof was low and covered with straw. I now began to be a little
comforted; and took out some toys, which travellers usually carry for
presents to the savage Indians of America, and other parts, in hopes the
people of the house would be thereby encouraged to receive me kindly.
The horse made me a sign to go in first; it was a large room with a smooth
clay floor, and a rack and manger, extending the whole length on one
side. There were three nags and two mares, not eating, but some of
them sitting down upon their hams, which I very much wondered at;
but wondered more to see the rest employed in domestic business; these
seemed but ordinary cattle. However, this confirmed my first opinion,
that a people who could so far civilise brute animals, must needs excel in
wisdom all the nations of the world.
The gray came in just after, and thereby prevented any ill treatment
which the others might have given me. He neighed to them several times
in a style of authority, and received answers.
Beyond this room there were three others, reaching the length of the
house, to which you passed through three doors, opposite to each other, in
the manner of a vista. We went through the second room towards the
third. Here the gray walked in first, beckoning me to attend: I
waited in the second room, and got ready my presents for the master and
mistress of the house; they were two knives, three bracelets of false pearls,
a small looking-glass, and a bead necklace. The horse neighed three or
four times, and I waited to hear some answers in a human voice, but I heard
no other returns than in the same dialect, only one or two a
little shriller than his. I began to think that this house must
belong to some person of great note among them, because there appeared so
much ceremony before I could gain admittance. But, that a man of
quality should be served all by horses, was beyond my comprehension. I
feared my brain was disturbed by my sufferings and misfortunes. I
roused myself, and looked about me in the room where I was left alone:
this was furnished like the first, only after a more elegant manner. I
rubbed my eyes often, but the same objects still occurred. I pinched my
arms and sides to awake myself, hoping I might be in a dream. I then
absolutely concluded, that all these appearances could be nothing else
but necromancy and magic. But I had no time to pursue
these reflections; for the gray horse came to the door, and made me a sign
to follow him into the third room where I saw a very comely mare, together
with a colt and foal, sitting on their haunches upon mats of straw, not
unartfully made, and perfectly neat and clean.
The mare soon after my entrance rose from her mat, and coming up close,
after having nicely observed my hands and face, gave me a most contemptuous
look; and turning to the horse, I heard the word YAHOO often repeated betwixt
them; the meaning of which word I could not then comprehend, although it was
the first I had learned to pronounce. But I was soon better informed,
to my everlasting mortification; for the horse, beckoning to me with his
head, and repeating the HHUUN, HHUUN, as he did upon the road, which I
understood was to attend him, led me out into a kind of court, where was
another building, at some distance from the house. Here we entered, and
I saw three of those detestable creatures, which I first met after my
landing, feeding upon roots, and the flesh of some animals, which I
afterwards found to be that of asses and dogs, and now and then a cow, dead
by accident or disease. They were all tied by the neck with
strong withes fastened to a beam; they held their food between the
claws of their fore feet, and tore it with their teeth.
The master horse ordered a sorrel nag, one of his servants, to untie the
largest of these animals, and take him into the yard. The beast and I were
brought close together, and by our countenances diligently compared both by
master and servant, who thereupon repeated several times the word
YAHOO. My horror and astonishment are not to be described, when I
observed in this abominable animal, a perfect human figure: the face of
it indeed was flat and broad, the nose depressed, the lips large, and
the mouth wide; but these differences are common to all savage nations,
where the lineaments of the countenance are distorted, by the natives
suffering their infants to lie grovelling on the earth, or by carrying them
on their backs, nuzzling with their face against the mothers'
shoulders. The fore-feet of the YAHOO differed from my hands in nothing
else but the length of the nails, the coarseness and brownness of the palms,
and the hairiness on the backs. There was the same resemblance
between our feet, with the same differences; which I knew very
well, though the horses did not, because of my shoes and stockings;
the same in every part of our bodies except as to hairiness and colour,
which I have already described.
The great difficulty that seemed to stick with the two horses, was to
see the rest of my body so very different from that of a YAHOO, for which I
was obliged to my clothes, whereof they had no conception. The sorrel
nag offered me a root, which he held (after their manner, as we shall
describe in its proper place) between his hoof and pastern; I took it in my
hand, and, having smelt it, returned it to him again as civilly as I
could. He brought out of the YAHOOS' kennel a piece of ass's flesh; but
it smelt so offensively that I turned from it with loathing: he then
threw it to the YAHOO, by whom it was greedily devoured. He afterwards
showed me a wisp of hay, and a fetlock full of oats; but I shook my head, to
signify that neither of these were food for me. And indeed I now
apprehended that I must absolutely starve, if I did not get to some of my own
species; for as to those filthy YAHOOS, although there were few greater
lovers of mankind at that time than myself, yet I confess I never saw
any sensitive being so detestable on all accounts; and the more I came
near them the more hateful they grew, while I stayed in that country.
This the master horse observed by my behaviour, and therefore sent the YAHOO
back to his kennel. He then put his fore-hoof to his mouth, at which I
was much surprised, although he did it with ease, and with a motion that
appeared perfectly natural, and made other signs, to know what I would eat;
but I could not return him such an answer as he was able to apprehend; and
if he had understood me, I did not see how it was possible to contrive any
way for finding myself nourishment. While we were thus engaged, I observed a
cow passing by, whereupon I pointed to her, and expressed a desire to go and
milk her. This had its effect; for he led me back into the house, and
ordered a mare-servant to open a room, where a good store of milk lay
in earthen and wooden vessels, after a very orderly and
cleanly manner. She gave me a large bowlful, of which I drank
very heartily, and found myself well refreshed.
About noon, I saw coming towards the house a kind of vehicle drawn like
a sledge by four YAHOOS. There was in it an old steed, who seemed to be
of quality; he alighted with his hind-feet forward, having by accident got a
hurt in his left fore-foot. He came to dine with our horse, who
received him with great civility. They dined in the best room, and had
oats boiled in milk for the second course, which the old horse ate warm,
but the rest cold. Their mangers were placed circular in the
middle of the room, and divided into several partitions, round which they
sat on their haunches, upon bosses of straw. In the middle was a large
rack, with angles answering to every partition of the manger; so that each
horse and mare ate their own hay, and their own mash of oats and milk, with
much decency and regularity. The behaviour of the young colt and foal
appeared very modest, and that of the master and mistress extremely cheerful
and complaisant to their guest. The gray ordered me to stand by
him; and much discourse passed between him and his friend concerning me,
as I found by the stranger's often looking on me, and the frequent repetition
of the word YAHOO.
I happened to wear my gloves, which the master gray observing, seemed
perplexed, discovering signs of wonder what I had done to my fore-feet.
He put his hoof three or four times to them, as if he would signify, that I
should reduce them to their former shape, which I presently did, pulling off
both my gloves, and putting them into my pocket. This occasioned
farther talk; and I saw the company was pleased with my behaviour, whereof I
soon found the good effects. I was ordered to speak the few words
I understood; and while they were at dinner, the master taught me the
names for oats, milk, fire, water, and some others, which I could readily
pronounce after him, having from my youth a great facility in learning
languages.
When dinner was done, the master horse took me aside, and by signs and
words made me understand the concern he was in that I had nothing to
eat. Oats in their tongue are called HLUNNH. This word I pronounced
two or three times; for although I had refused them at first, yet, upon
second thoughts, I considered that I could contrive to make of them a kind of
bread, which might be sufficient, with milk, to keep me alive, till I
could make my escape to some other country, and to creatures of my
own species. The horse immediately ordered a white mare servant of his
family to bring me a good quantity of oats in a sort of wooden tray.
These I heated before the fire, as well as I could, and rubbed them till the
husks came off, which I made a shift to winnow from the grain. I ground and
beat them between two stones; then took water, and made them into a paste or
cake, which I toasted at the fire and eat warm with milk. It was at
first a very insipid diet, though common enough in many parts of
Europe, but grew tolerable by time; and having been often reduced to
hard fare in my life, this was not the first experiment I had made
how easily nature is satisfied. And I cannot but observe, that
I never had one hours sickness while I stayed in this island. It is
true, I sometimes made a shift to catch a rabbit, or bird, by springs made of
YAHOO'S hairs; and I often gathered wholesome herbs, which I boiled, and ate
as salads with my bread; and now and then, for a rarity, I made a little
butter, and drank the whey. I was at first at a great loss for salt,
but custom soon reconciled me to the want of it; and I am confident that
the frequent use of salt among us is an effect of luxury, and was first
introduced only as a provocative to drink, except where it is necessary for
preserving flesh in long voyages, or in places remote from great markets; for
we observe no animal to be fond of it but man, and as to myself, when I left
this country, it was a great while before I could endure the taste of it in
anything that I ate.
This is enough to say upon the subject of my diet, wherewith other
travellers fill their books, as if the readers were personally concerned
whether we fare well or ill. However, it was necessary to mention this
matter, lest the world should think it impossible that I could find
sustenance for three years in such a country, and among such
inhabitants.
When it grew towards evening, the master horse ordered a place for me to
lodge in; it was but six yards from the house and separated from the stable
of the YAHOOS. Here I got some straw, and covering myself with my own
clothes, slept very sound. But I was in a short time better
accommodated, as the reader shall know hereafter, when I come to treat more
particularly about my way of living.
CHAPTER III.
[The author studies to learn the language. The Houyhnhnm,
his master, assists in teaching him. The language described.
Several Houyhnhnms of quality come out of curiosity to see
the author. He gives his master a short account of his voyage.]
My principal endeavour was to learn the language, which my
master (for so I shall henceforth call him), and his children, and
every servant of his house, were desirous to teach me; for they
looked upon it as a prodigy, that a brute animal should discover
such marks of a rational creature. I pointed to every thing,
and inquired the name of it, which I wrote down in my journal-book when I
was alone, and corrected my bad accent by desiring those of the family to
pronounce it often. In this employment, a sorrel nag, one of the
under-servants, was very ready to assist me.
In speaking, they pronounced through the nose and throat, and their
language approaches nearest to the High-Dutch, or German, of any I know in
Europe; but is much more graceful and significant. The emperor Charles
V. made almost the same observation, when he said "that if he were to speak
to his horse, it should be in High-Dutch."
The curiosity and impatience of my master were so great, that he spent
many hours of his leisure to instruct me. He was convinced (as he
afterwards told me) that I must be a YAHOO; but my teachableness, civility,
and cleanliness, astonished him; which were qualities altogether opposite to
those animals. He was most perplexed about my clothes, reasoning
sometimes with himself, whether they were a part of my body: for I
never pulled them off till the family were asleep, and got them on before
they waked in the morning. My master was eager to learn "whence I came;
how I acquired those appearances of reason, which I discovered in all my
actions; and to know my story from my own mouth, which he hoped he should
soon do by the great proficiency I made in learning and pronouncing their
words and sentences." To help my memory, I formed all I learned into
the English alphabet, and writ the words down, with the translations.
This last, after some time, I ventured to do in my master's presence.
It cost me much trouble to explain to him what I was doing; for
the inhabitants have not the least idea of books or literature.
In about ten weeks time, I was able to understand most of his questions;
and in three months, could give him some tolerable answers. He was
extremely curious to know "from what part of the country I came, and how I
was taught to imitate a rational creature; because the YAHOOS (whom he saw I
exactly resembled in my head, hands, and face, that were only visible), with
some appearance of cunning, and the strongest disposition to
mischief, were observed to be the most unteachable of all brutes."
I answered, "that I came over the sea, from a far place, with many others
of my own kind, in a great hollow vessel made of the bodies of trees:
that my companions forced me to land on this coast, and then left me to shift
for myself." It was with some difficulty, and by the help of many
signs, that I brought him to understand me. He replied, "that I must needs be
mistaken, or that I said the thing which was not;" for they have no word
in their language to express lying or falsehood. "He knew it
was impossible that there could be a country beyond the sea, or that a
parcel of brutes could move a wooden vessel whither they pleased upon
water. He was sure no HOUYHNHNM alive could make such a vessel, nor
would trust YAHOOS to manage it."
The word HOUYHNHNM, in their tongue, signifies a HORSE, and, in its
etymology, the PERFECTION OF NATURE. I told my master, "that I was at a
loss for expression, but would improve as fast as I could; and hoped, in a
short time, I should be able to tell him wonders." He was pleased to
direct his own mare, his colt, and foal, and the servants of the family, to
take all opportunities of instructing me; and every day, for two or three
hours, he was at the same pains himself. Several horses and mares of
quality in the neighbourhood came often to our house, upon the
report spread of "a wonderful YAHOO, that could speak like a
HOUYHNHNM, and seemed, in his words and actions, to discover
some glimmerings of reason." These delighted to converse with me:
they put many questions, and received such answers as I was able to
return. By all these advantages I made so great a progress, that, in
five months from my arrival I understood whatever was spoken, and could
express myself tolerably well.
The HOUYHNHNMS, who came to visit my master out of a design of seeing
and talking with me, could hardly believe me to be a right YAHOO, because my
body had a different covering from others of my kind. They were
astonished to observe me without the usual hair or skin, except on my head,
face, and hands; but I discovered that secret to my master upon an accident
which happened about a fortnight before.
I have already told the reader, that every night, when the family were
gone to bed, it was my custom to strip, and cover myself with my
clothes. It happened, one morning early, that my master sent for me by
the sorrel nag, who was his valet. When he came I was fast asleep, my
clothes fallen off on one side, and my shirt above my waist. I awaked
at the noise he made, and observed him to deliver his message in some
disorder; after which he went to my master, and in a great fright gave him a
very confused account of what he had seen. This I presently discovered,
for, going as soon as I was dressed to pay my attendance upon his honour,
he asked me "the meaning of what his servant had reported, that I was not
the same thing when I slept, as I appeared to be at other times; that his
vale assured him, some part of me was white, some yellow, at least not so
white, and some brown."
I had hitherto concealed the secret of my dress, in order to distinguish
myself, as much as possible, from that cursed race of YAHOOS; but now I found
it in vain to do so any longer. Besides, I considered that my clothes
and shoes would soon wear out, which already were in a declining condition,
and must be supplied by some contrivance from the hides of YAHOOS, or other
brutes; whereby the whole secret would be known. I therefore told
my master, "that in the country whence I came, those of my kind always
covered their bodies with the hairs of certain animals prepared by art, as
well for decency as to avoid the inclemencies of air, both hot and cold; of
which, as to my own person, I would give him immediate conviction, if he
pleased to command me: only desiring his excuse, if I did not expose
those parts that nature taught us to conceal." He said, "my discourse was all
very strange, but especially the last part; for he could not understand,
why nature should teach us to conceal what nature had given; that neither
himself nor family were ashamed of any parts of their bodies; but, however, I
might do as I pleased." Whereupon I first unbuttoned my coat, and pulled it
off. I did the same with my waistcoat. I drew off my shoes,
stockings, and breeches. I let my shirt down to my waist, and drew up
the bottom; fastening it like a girdle about my middle, to hide
my nakedness.
My master observed the whole performance with great signs of curiosity
and admiration. He took up all my clothes in his pastern, one piece
after another, and examined them diligently; he then stroked my body very
gently, and looked round me several times; after which, he said, it was plain
I must be a perfect YAHOO; but that I differed very much from the rest of my
species in the softness, whiteness, and smoothness of my skin; my want
of hair in several parts of my body; the shape and shortness of my claws
behind and before; and my affectation of walking continually on my two hinder
feet. He desired to see no more; and gave me leave to put on my clothes
again, for I was shuddering with cold.
I expressed my uneasiness at his giving me so often the appellation of
YAHOO, an odious animal, for which I had so utter a hatred and
contempt: I begged he would forbear applying that word to me, and make
the same order in his family and among his friends whom he suffered to see
me. I requested likewise, "that the secret of my having a false
covering to my body, might be known to none but himself, at least as long as
my present clothing should last; for as to what the sorrel nag, his
valet, had observed, his honour might command him to conceal it."
All this my master very graciously consented to; and thus the secret was
kept till my clothes began to wear out, which I was forced to supply by
several contrivances that shall hereafter be mentioned. In the
meantime, he desired "I would go on with my utmost diligence to learn their
language, because he was more astonished at my capacity for speech and
reason, than at the figure of my body, whether it were covered or not;"
adding, "that he waited with some impatience to hear the wonders which
I promised to tell him."
Thenceforward he doubled the pains he had been at to instruct me: he
brought me into all company, and made them treat me with civility; "because,"
as he told them, privately, "this would put me into good humour, and make me
more diverting."
Every day, when I waited on him, beside the trouble he was at
in teaching, he would ask me several questions concerning myself, which I
answered as well as I could, and by these means he had already received some
general ideas, though very imperfect. It would be tedious to relate the
several steps by which I advanced to a more regular conversation; but the
first account I gave of myself in any order and length was to this
purpose:
"That I came from a very far country, as I already had attempted to tell
him, with about fifty more of my own species; that we travelled upon the seas
in a great hollow vessel made of wood, and larger than his honour's
house. I described the ship to him in the best terms I could, and
explained, by the help of my handkerchief displayed, how it was driven
forward by the wind. That upon a quarrel among us, I was set on shore on
this coast, where I walked forward, without knowing whither, till
he delivered me from the persecution of those execrable YAHOOS."
He asked me, "who made the ship, and how it was possible that
the HOUYHNHNMS of my country would leave it to the management
of brutes?" My answer was, "that I durst proceed no further in
my relation, unless he would give me his word and honour that he would not
be offended, and then I would tell him the wonders I had so often
promised." He agreed; and I went on by assuring him, that the ship was
made by creatures like myself; who, in all the countries I had travelled, as
well as in my own, were the only governing rational animals; and that upon my
arrival hither, I was as much astonished to see the HOUYHNHNMS act like
rational beings, as he, or his friends, could be, in finding some marks
of reason in a creature he was pleased to call a YAHOO; to which I owned
my resemblance in every part, but could not account for their degenerate and
brutal nature. I said farther, "that if good fortune ever restored me
to my native country, to relate my travels hither, as I resolved to do,
everybody would believe, that I said the thing that was not, that I invented
the story out of my own head; and (with all possible respect to himself,
his family, and friends, and under his promise of not being offended) our
countrymen would hardly think it probable that a HOUYHNHNM should be the
presiding creature of a nation, and a YAHOO the brute."
CHAPTER IV.
[The Houyhnhnm's notion of truth and falsehood. The
author's discourse disapproved by his master. The author gives a
more particular account of himself, and the accidents of his voyage.]
My master heard me with great appearances of uneasiness in
his countenance; because doubting, or not believing, are so little known
in this country, that the inhabitants cannot tell how to behave themselves
under such circumstances. And I remember, in frequent discourses with
my master concerning the nature of manhood in other parts of the world,
having occasion to talk of lying and false representation, it was with much
difficulty that he comprehended what I meant, although he had otherwise a
most acute judgment. For he argued thus: "that the use of speech
was to make us understand one another, and to receive information
of facts; now, if any one said the thing which was not, these ends were
defeated, because I cannot properly be said to understand him; and I am so
far from receiving information, that he leaves me worse than in ignorance;
for I am led to believe a thing black, when it is white, and short, when it
is long." And these were all the notions he had concerning that faculty
of lying, so perfectly well understood, and so universally practised,
among human creatures.
To return from this digression. When I asserted that the
YAHOOS were the only governing animals in my country, which my master said
was altogether past his conception, he desired to know, "whether we had
HOUYHNHNMS among us, and what was their employment?" I told him, "we
had great numbers; that in summer they grazed in the fields, and in winter
were kept in houses with hay and oats, where YAHOO servants were employed to
rub their skins smooth, comb their manes, pick their feet, serve them
with food, and make their beds." "I understand you well," said
my master: "it is now very plain, from all you have spoken,
that whatever share of reason the YAHOOS pretend to, the HOUYHNHNMS are
your masters; I heartily wish our YAHOOS would be so tractable." I
begged "his honour would please to excuse me from proceeding any further,
because I was very certain that the account he expected from me would be
highly displeasing." But he insisted in commanding me to let him know
the best and the worst.
I told him "he should be obeyed." I owned "that the
HOUYHNHNMS among us, whom we called horses, were the most generous
and comely animals we had; that they excelled in strength and swiftness;
and when they belonged to persons of quality, were employed in travelling,
racing, or drawing chariots; they were treated with much kindness and care,
till they fell into diseases, or became foundered in the feet; but then they
were sold, and used to all kind of drudgery till they died; after which
their skins were stripped, and sold for what they were worth, and their
bodies left to be devoured by dogs and birds of prey. But the common
race of horses had not so good fortune, being kept by farmers and carriers,
and other mean people, who put them to greater labour, and fed them
worse." I described, as well as I could, our way of riding; the shape
and use of a bridle, a saddle, a spur, and a whip; of harness and
wheels. I added, "that we fastened plates of a certain hard
substance, called iron, at the bottom of their feet, to preserve their
hoofs from being broken by the stony ways, on which we
often travelled."
My master, after some expressions of great indignation, wondered "how we
dared to venture upon a HOUYHNHNM'S back; for he was sure, that the weakest
servant in his house would be able to shake off the strongest YAHOO; or by
lying down and rolling on his back, squeeze the brute to death." I
answered "that our horses were trained up, from three or four years old, to
the several uses we intended them for; that if any of them
proved intolerably vicious, they were employed for carriages; that
they were severely beaten, while they were young, for any
mischievous tricks; that the males, designed for the common use of riding
or draught, were generally castrated about two years after their birth, to
take down their spirits, and make them more tame and gentle; that they were
indeed sensible of rewards and punishments; but his honour would please to
consider, that they had not the least tincture of reason, any more than the
YAHOOS in this country."
It put me to the pains of many circumlocutions, to give my master a
right idea of what I spoke; for their language does not abound in variety of
words, because their wants and passions are fewer than among us. But it
is impossible to express his noble resentment at our savage treatment of the
HOUYHNHNM race; particularly after I had explained the manner and use
of castrating horses among us, to hinder them from propagating their kind,
and to render them more servile. He said, "if it were possible there
could be any country where YAHOOS alone were endued with reason, they
certainly must be the governing animal; because reason in time will always
prevail against brutal strength. But, considering the frame of our
bodies, and especially of mine, he thought no creature of equal bulk was
so ill-contrived for employing that reason in the common offices of life;"
whereupon he desired to know whether those among whom I lived resembled me,
or the YAHOOS of his country?" I assured him, "that I was as well
shaped as most of my age; but the younger, and the females, were much more
soft and tender, and the skins of the latter generally as white as
milk." He said, "I differed indeed from other YAHOOS, being much more
cleanly, and not altogether so deformed; but, in point of real advantage,
he thought I differed for the worse: that my nails were of no
use either to my fore or hinder feet; as to my fore feet, he could not
properly call them by that name, for he never observed me to walk upon them;
that they were too soft to bear the ground; that I generally went with them
uncovered; neither was the covering I sometimes wore on them of the same
shape, or so strong as that on my feet behind: that I could not walk
with any security, for if either of my hinder feet slipped, I must inevitably
fail." He then began to find fault with other parts of my body:
"the flatness of my face, the prominence of my nose, mine eyes
placed directly in front, so that I could not look on either side without
turning my head: that I was not able to feed myself, without lifting
one of my fore-feet to my mouth: and therefore nature had placed those joints
to answer that necessity. He knew not what could be the use of those
several clefts and divisions in my feet behind; that these were too soft to
bear the hardness and sharpness of stones, without a covering made from the
skin of some other brute; that my whole body wanted a fence against
heat and cold, which I was forced to put on and off every day,
with tediousness and trouble: and lastly, that he observed
every animal in this country naturally to abhor the YAHOOS, whom
the weaker avoided, and the stronger drove from them. So that, supposing
us to have the gift of reason, he could not see how it were possible to cure
that natural antipathy, which every creature discovered against us; nor
consequently how we could tame and render them serviceable. However, he
would," as he said, "debate the matter no farther, because he was more
desirous to know my own story, the country where I was born, and
the several actions and events of my life, before I came hither."
I assured him, "how extremely desirous I was that he should be satisfied
on every point; but I doubted much, whether it would be possible for me to
explain myself on several subjects, whereof his honour could have no
conception; because I saw nothing in his country to which I could resemble
them; that, however, I would do my best, and strive to express myself by
similitudes, humbly desiring his assistance when I wanted proper words;"
which he was pleased to promise me.
I said, "my birth was of honest parents, in an island called England;
which was remote from his country, as many days' journey as the strongest of
his honour's servants could travel in the annual course of the sun; that I
was bred a surgeon, whose trade it is to cure wounds and hurts in the body,
gotten by accident or violence; that my country was governed by a female man,
whom we called queen; that I left it to get riches, whereby I
might maintain myself and family, when I should return; that, in my last
voyage, I was commander of the ship, and had about fifty YAHOOS under me,
many of which died at sea, and I was forced to supply them by others picked
out from several nations; that our ship was twice in danger of being sunk,
the first time by a great storm, and the second by striking against a
rock." Here my master interposed, by asking me, "how I could persuade
strangers, out of different countries, to venture with me, after the
losses I had sustained, and the hazards I had run?" I said, "they
were fellows of desperate fortunes, forced to fly from the places of their
birth on account of their poverty or their crimes. Some were undone by
lawsuits; others spent all they had in drinking, whoring, and gaming; others
fled for treason; many for murder, theft, poisoning, robbery, perjury,
forgery, coining false money, for committing rapes, or sodomy; for flying
from their colours, or deserting to the enemy; and most of them had broken
prison; none of these durst return to their native countries, for fear
of being hanged, or of starving in a jail; and therefore they were under
the necessity of seeking a livelihood in other places."
During this discourse, my master was pleased to interrupt me several
times. I had made use of many circumlocutions in describing to him the
nature of the several crimes for which most of our crew had been forced to
fly their country. This labour took up several days' conversation,
before he was able to comprehend me. He was wholly at a loss to know what
could be the use or necessity of practising those vices. To clear up
which, I endeavoured to give some ideas of the desire of power and
riches; of the terrible effects of lust, intemperance, malice, and envy.
All this I was forced to define and describe by putting cases and making
suppositions. After which, like one whose imagination was struck with
something never seen or heard of before, he would lift up his eyes with
amazement and indignation. Power, government, war, law, punishment, and
a thousand other things, had no terms wherein that language could express
them, which made the difficulty almost insuperable, to give my master
any conception of what I meant. But being of an
excellent understanding, much improved by contemplation and converse, he
at last arrived at a competent knowledge of what human nature, in our
parts of the world, is capable to perform, and desired I would give him some
particular account of that land which we call Europe, but especially of my
own country.
CHAPTER V.
[The author at his master's command, informs him of the state
of England. The causes of war among the princes of Europe.
The author begins to explain the English constitution.]
The reader may please to observe, that the following extract of many
conversations I had with my master, contains a summary of the most material
points which were discoursed at several times for above two years; his honour
often desiring fuller satisfaction, as I farther improved in the HOUYHNHNM
tongue. I laid before him, as well as I could, the whole state of
Europe; I discoursed of trade and manufactures, of arts and sciences;
and the answers I gave to all the questions he made, as they arose upon
several subjects, were a fund of conversation not to be exhausted. But
I shall here only set down the substance of what passed between us concerning
my own country, reducing it in order as well as I can, without any regard to
time or other circumstances, while I strictly adhere to truth. My only
concern is, that I shall hardly be able to do justice to my
master's arguments and expressions, which must needs suffer by my want
of capacity, as well as by a translation into our barbarous English.
In obedience, therefore, to his honour's commands, I related to him the
Revolution under the Prince of Orange; the long war with France, entered into
by the said prince, and renewed by his successor, the present queen, wherein
the greatest powers of Christendom were engaged, and which still
continued: I computed, at his request, "that about a million of YAHOOS
might have been killed in the whole progress of it; and perhaps a hundred or
more cities taken, and five times as many ships burnt or sunk."
He asked me, "what were the usual causes or motives that made
one country go to war with another?" I answered "they
were innumerable; but I should only mention a few of the chief. Sometimes
the ambition of princes, who never think they have land or people enough to
govern; sometimes the corruption of ministers, who engage their master in a
war, in order to stifle or divert the clamour of the subjects against their
evil administration. Difference in opinions has cost many millions
of lives: for instance, whether flesh be bread, or bread be
flesh; whether the juice of a certain berry be blood or wine;
whether whistling be a vice or a virtue; whether it be better to kiss
a post, or throw it into the fire; what is the best colour for a coat,
whether black, white, red, or gray; and whether it should be long or short,
narrow or wide, dirty or clean; with many more.
Neither are any wars so furious and bloody, or of so long a continuance,
as those occasioned by difference in opinion, especially if it be in things
indifferent.
"Sometimes the quarrel between two princes is to decide which of them
shall dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of them pretend to
any right. Sometimes one prince quarrels with another for fear the
other should quarrel with him. Sometimes a war is entered upon, because
the enemy is too strong; and sometimes, because he is too weak.
Sometimes our neighbours want the things which we have, or have the things
which we want, and we both fight, till they take ours, or give us
theirs. It is a very justifiable cause of a war, to invade a country
after the people have been wasted by famine, destroyed by pestilence,
or embroiled by factions among themselves. It is justifiable
to enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his towns lies
convenient for us, or a territory of land, that would render our dominions
round and complete. If a prince sends forces into a nation, where the
people are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to death, and
make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize and reduce them from their
barbarous way of living. It is a very kingly, honourable, and frequent
practice, when one prince desires the assistance of another, to secure him
against an invasion, that the assistant, when he has driven out
the invader, should seize on the dominions himself, and kill, imprison, or
banish, the prince he came to relieve. Alliance by blood, or marriage,
is a frequent cause of war between princes; and the nearer the kindred is,
the greater their disposition to quarrel; poor nations are hungry, and rich
nations are proud; and pride and hunger will ever be at variance. For
these reasons, the trade of a soldier is held the most honourable of all
others; because a soldier is a YAHOO hired to kill, in cold blood, as many
of his own species, who have never offended him, as possibly he can.
"There is likewise a kind of beggarly princes in Europe, not able to
make war by themselves, who hire out their troops to richer nations, for so
much a day to each man; of which they keep three-fourths to themselves, and
it is the best part of their maintenance: such are those in many
northern parts of Europe."
"What you have told me," said my master, "upon the subject of war, does
indeed discover most admirably the effects of that reason you pretend
to: however, it is happy that the shame is greater than the danger; and
that nature has left you utterly incapable of doing much mischief. For,
your mouths lying flat with your faces, you can hardly bite each other to any
purpose, unless by consent. Then as to the claws upon your feet
before and behind, they are so short and tender, that one of our
YAHOOS would drive a dozen of yours before him. And therefore,
in recounting the numbers of those who have been killed in battle,
I cannot but think you have said the thing which is not."
I could not forbear shaking my head, and smiling a little at
his ignorance. And being no stranger to the art of war, I gave him
a description of cannons, culverins, muskets, carabines, pistols, bullets,
powder, swords, bayonets, battles, sieges, retreats, attacks, undermines,
countermines, bombardments, sea fights, ships sunk with a thousand men,
twenty thousand killed on each side, dying groans, limbs flying in the air,
smoke, noise, confusion, trampling to death under horses' feet,
flight, pursuit, victory; fields strewed with carcases, left for food
to dogs and wolves and birds of prey; plundering, stripping, ravishing,
burning, and destroying. And to set forth the valour of my own dear
countrymen, I assured him, "that I had seen them blow up a hundred enemies at
once in a siege, and as many in a ship, and beheld the dead bodies drop down
in pieces from the clouds, to the great diversion of the spectators."
I was going on to more particulars, when my master commanded
me silence. He said, "whoever understood the nature of YAHOOS, might
easily believe it possible for so vile an animal to be capable of every
action I had named, if their strength and cunning equalled their
malice. But as my discourse had increased his abhorrence of the whole
species, so he found it gave him a disturbance in his mind to which he was
wholly a stranger before.
He thought his ears, being used to such abominable words, might, by
degrees, admit them with less detestation: that although he hated the
YAHOOS of this country, yet he no more blamed them for their odious
qualities, than he did a GNNAYH (a bird of prey) for its cruelty, or a sharp
stone for cutting his hoof. But when a creature pretending to reason
could be capable of such enormities, he dreaded lest the corruption of that
faculty might be worse than brutality itself. He seemed therefore
confident, that, instead of reason we were only possessed of some
quality fitted to increase our natural vices; as the reflection from
a troubled stream returns the image of an ill shapen body, not only larger
but more distorted."
He added, "that he had heard too much upon the subject of war, both in
this and some former discourses. There was another point, which a
little perplexed him at present. I had informed him, that some of our
crew left their country on account of being ruined by law; that I had already
explained the meaning of the word; but he was at a loss how it should come to
pass, that the law, which was intended for every man's preservation, should
be any man's ruin. Therefore he desired to be further satisfied what
I meant by law, and the dispensers thereof, according to the present practice
in my own country; because he thought nature and reason were sufficient
guides for a reasonable animal, as we pretended to be, in showing us what he
ought to do, and what to avoid."
I assured his honour, "that the law was a science in which I had not
much conversed, further than by employing advocates, in vain, upon some
injustices that had been done me: however, I would give him all the
satisfaction I was able."
I said, "there was a society of men among us, bred up from their youth
in the art of proving, by words multiplied for the purpose, that white is
black, and black is white, according as they are paid. To this society
all the rest of the people are slaves. For example, if my neighbour has a
mind to my cow, he has a lawyer to prove that he ought to have my cow from
me. I must then hire another to defend my right, it being against all
rules of law that any man should be allowed to speak for himself.
Now, in this case, I, who am the right owner, lie under two
great disadvantages: first, my lawyer, being practised almost from
his cradle in defending falsehood, is quite out of his element when he
would be an advocate for justice, which is an unnatural office he always
attempts with great awkwardness, if not with ill-will. The second
disadvantage is, that my lawyer must proceed with great caution, or else he
will be reprimanded by the judges, and abhorred by his brethren, as one that
would lessen the practice of the law. And therefore I have but two
methods to preserve my cow. The first is, to gain over my adversary's
lawyer with a double fee, who will then betray his client by insinuating
that he hath justice on his side. The second way is for my lawyer to make
my cause appear as unjust as he can, by allowing the cow to belong to my
adversary: and this, if it be skilfully done, will certainly bespeak
the favour of the bench. Now your honour is to know, that these judges
are persons appointed to decide all controversies of property, as well as for
the trial of criminals, and picked out from the most dexterous lawyers, who
are grown old or lazy; and having been biassed all their lives against
truth and equity, lie under such a fatal necessity of favouring
fraud, perjury, and oppression, that I have known some of them refuse
a large bribe from the side where justice lay, rather than injure the
faculty, by doing any thing unbecoming their nature or their office.
"It is a maxim among these lawyers that whatever has been done before,
may legally be done again: and therefore they take special care to
record all the decisions formerly made against common justice, and the
general reason of mankind. These, under the name of precedents, they
produce as authorities to justify the most iniquitous opinions; and the
judges never fail of directing accordingly.
"In pleading, they studiously avoid entering into the merits of the
cause; but are loud, violent, and tedious, in dwelling upon all circumstances
which are not to the purpose. For instance, in the case already
mentioned; they never desire to know what claim or title my adversary has to
my cow; but whether the said cow were red or black; her horns long or short;
whether the field I graze her in be round or square; whether she was milked
at home or abroad; what diseases she is subject to, and the like;
after which they consult precedents, adjourn the cause from time to time,
and in ten, twenty, or thirty years, come to an issue.
"It is likewise to be observed, that this society has a peculiar cant
and jargon of their own, that no other mortal can understand, and wherein all
their laws are written, which they take special care to multiply; whereby
they have wholly confounded the very essence of truth and falsehood, of right
and wrong; so that it will take thirty years to decide, whether the field
left me by my ancestors for six generations belongs to me, or to a stranger
three hundred miles off.
"In the trial of persons accused for crimes against the state, the
method is much more short and commendable: the judge first sends to
sound the disposition of those in power, after which he can easily hang or
save a criminal, strictly preserving all due forms of law."
Here my master interposing, said, "it was a pity, that creatures endowed
with such prodigious abilities of mind, as these lawyers, by the description
I gave of them, must certainly be, were not rather encouraged to be
instructors of others in wisdom and knowledge." In answer to which I
assured his honour, "that in all points out of their own trade, they were
usually the most ignorant and stupid generation among us, the most despicable
in common conversation, avowed enemies to all knowledge and learning, and
equally disposed to pervert the general reason of mankind in every other
subject of discourse as in that of their own profession."
CHAPTER VI.
[A continuation of the state of England under Queen Anne.
The character of a first minister of state in European courts.]
My master was yet wholly at a loss to understand what motives could
incite this race of lawyers to perplex, disquiet, and weary themselves, and
engage in a confederacy of injustice, merely for the sake of injuring their
fellow-animals; neither could he comprehend what I meant in saying, they did
it for hire. Whereupon I was at much pains to describe to him the use
of money, the materials it was made of, and the value of the metals; "that
when a YAHOO had got a great store of this precious substance, he was able to
purchase whatever he had a mind to; the finest clothing, the noblest houses,
great tracts of land, the most costly meats and drinks, and have his choice
of the most beautiful females. Therefore since money alone was able
to perform all these feats, our YAHOOS thought they could never
have enough of it to spend, or to save, as they found themselves inclined,
from their natural bent either to profusion or avarice; that the rich man
enjoyed the fruit of the poor man's labour, and the latter were a thousand to
one in proportion to the former; that the bulk of our people were forced to
live miserably, by labouring every day for small wages, to make a few
live plentifully."
I enlarged myself much on these, and many other particulars to the same
purpose; but his honour was still to seek; for he went upon a supposition,
that all animals had a title to their share in the productions of the earth,
and especially those who presided over the rest. Therefore he desired I
would let him know, "what these costly meats were, and how any of us
happened to want them?" Whereupon I enumerated as many sorts as came
into my head, with the various methods of dressing them, which could not
be done without sending vessels by sea to every part of the world, as well
for liquors to drink as for sauces and innumerable other conveniences. I
assured him "that this whole globe of earth must be at least three times gone
round before one of our better female YAHOOS could get her breakfast, or a
cup to put it in." He said "that must needs be a miserable country which
cannot furnish food for its own inhabitants. But what he
chiefly wondered at was, how such vast tracts of ground as I
described should be wholly without fresh water, and the people put to
the necessity of sending over the sea for drink." I replied
"that England (the dear place of my nativity) was computed to
produce three times the quantity of food more than its inhabitants
are able to consume, as well as liquors extracted from grain, or pressed
out of the fruit of certain trees, which made excellent drink, and the same
proportion in every other convenience of life. But, in order to feed
the luxury and intemperance of the males, and the vanity of the females, we
sent away the greatest part of our necessary things to other countries,
whence, in return, we brought the materials of diseases, folly, and vice,
to spend among ourselves. Hence it follows of necessity, that
vast numbers of our people are compelled to seek their livelihood
by begging, robbing, stealing, cheating, pimping, flattering, suborning,
forswearing, forging, gaming, lying, fawning, hectoring, voting, scribbling,
star-gazing, poisoning, whoring, canting, libelling, freethinking, and the
like occupations:" every one of which terms I was at much pains to make
him understand.
"That wine was not imported among us from foreign countries to supply
the want of water or other drinks, but because it was a sort of liquid which
made us merry by putting us out of our senses, diverted all melancholy
thoughts, begat wild extravagant imaginations in the brain, raised our hopes
and banished our fears, suspended every office of reason for a time, and
deprived us of the use of our limbs, till we fell into a profound
sleep; although it must be confessed, that we always awaked sick
and dispirited; and that the use of this liquor filled us with diseases
which made our lives uncomfortable and short.
"But beside all this, the bulk of our people supported themselves by
furnishing the necessities or conveniences of life to the rich and to each
other. For instance, when I am at home, and dressed as I ought to be, I
carry on my body the workmanship of a hundred tradesmen; the building and
furniture of my house employ as many more, and five times the number to adorn
my wife."
I was going on to tell him of another sort of people, who get their
livelihood by attending the sick, having, upon some occasions, informed his
honour that many of my crew had died of diseases. But here it was with
the utmost difficulty that I brought him to apprehend what I meant. "He
could easily conceive, that a HOUYHNHNM, grew weak and heavy a few days
before his death, or by some accident might hurt a limb; but that nature,
who works all things to perfection, should suffer any pains to breed in our
bodies, he thought impossible, and desired to know the reason of so
unaccountable an evil."
I told him "we fed on a thousand things which operated contrary to each
other; that we ate when we were not hungry, and drank without the provocation
of thirst; that we sat whole nights drinking strong liquors, without eating a
bit, which disposed us to sloth, inflamed our bodies, and precipitated or
prevented digestion; that prostitute female YAHOOS acquired a
certain malady, which bred rottenness in the bones of those who fell
into their embraces; that this, and many other diseases, were propagated
from father to son; so that great numbers came into the world with
complicated maladies upon them; that it would be endless to give him a
catalogue of all diseases incident to human bodies, for they would not be
fewer than five or six hundred, spread over every limb and joint -in short,
every part, external and intestine, having diseases appropriated to
itself. To remedy which, there was a sort of people bred up among us in
the profession, or pretence, of curing the sick. And because I
had some skill in the faculty, I would, in gratitude to his honour, let
him know the whole mystery and method by which they proceed.
"Their fundamental is, that all diseases arise from repletion; whence
they conclude, that a great evacuation of the body is necessary, either
through the natural passage or upwards at the mouth. Their next
business is from herbs, minerals, gums, oils, shells, salts, juices, seaweed,
excrements, barks of trees, serpents, toads, frogs, spiders, dead men's flesh
and bones, birds, beasts, and fishes, to form a composition, for smell
and taste, the most abominable, nauseous, and detestable, they
can possibly contrive, which the stomach immediately rejects
with loathing, and this they call a vomit; or else, from the
same store-house, with some other poisonous additions, they command us to
take in at the orifice above or below (just as the physician then happens to
be disposed) a medicine equally annoying and disgustful to the bowels; which,
relaxing the belly, drives down all before it; and this they call a purge, or
a clyster. For nature (as the physicians allege) having intended the
superior anterior orifice only for the intromission of solids and
liquids, and the inferior posterior for ejection, these
artists ingeniously considering that in all diseases nature is forced
out of her seat, therefore, to replace her in it, the body must be treated
in a manner directly contrary, by interchanging the use of each orifice;
forcing solids and liquids in at the anus, and making evacuations at the
mouth.
"But, besides real diseases, we are subject to many that are
only imaginary, for which the physicians have invented imaginary cures;
these have their several names, and so have the drugs that are proper for
them; and with these our female YAHOOS are always infested.
"One great excellency in this tribe, is their skill at prognostics,
wherein they seldom fail; their predictions in real diseases, when they rise
to any degree of malignity, generally portending death, which is always in
their power, when recovery is not: and therefore, upon any unexpected
signs of amendment, after they have pronounced their sentence, rather than be
accused as false prophets, they know how to approve their sagacity to
the world, by a seasonable dose.
"They are likewise of special use to husbands and wives who are grown
weary of their mates; to eldest sons, to great ministers of state, and often
to princes."
I had formerly, upon occasion, discoursed with my master upon the nature
of government in general, and particularly of our own excellent constitution,
deservedly the wonder and envy of the whole world. But having here
accidentally mentioned a minister of state, he commanded me, some time after,
to inform him, "what species of YAHOO I particularly meant by that
appellation."
I told him, "that a first or chief minister of state, who was the person
I intended to describe, was the creature wholly exempt from joy and grief,
love and hatred, pity and anger; at least, makes use of no other passions,
but a violent desire of wealth, power, and titles; that he applies his words
to all uses, except to the indication of his mind; that he never tells a
truth but with an intent that you should take it for a lie; nor a lie,
but with a design that you should take it for a truth; that those
he speaks worst of behind their backs are in the surest way of preferment;
and whenever he begins to praise you to others, or to yourself, you are from
that day forlorn. The worst mark you can receive is a promise,
especially when it is confirmed with an oath; after which, every wise man
retires, and gives over all hopes.
"There are three methods, by which a man may rise to be
chief minister. The first is, by knowing how, with prudence,
to dispose of a wife, a daughter, or a sister; the second, by betraying or
undermining his predecessor; and the third is, by a furious zeal, in public
assemblies, against the corruption's of the court. But a wise prince
would rather choose to employ those who practise the last of these methods;
because such zealots prove always the most obsequious and subservient to the
will and passions of their master. That these ministers, having
all employments at their disposal, preserve themselves in power,
by bribing the majority of a senate or great council; and at last, by an
expedient, called an act of indemnity" (whereof I described the nature to
him), "they secure themselves from after-reckonings, and retire from the
public laden with the spoils of the nation.
"The palace of a chief minister is a seminary to breed up others in his
own trade: the pages, lackeys, and porters, by imitating their master,
become ministers of state in their several districts, and learn to excel in
the three principal ingredients, of insolence, lying, and bribery.
Accordingly, they have a subaltern court paid to them by persons of the best
rank; and sometimes by the force of dexterity and impudence,
arrive, through several gradations, to be successors to their lord.
"He is usually governed by a decayed wench, or favourite footman, who
are the tunnels through which all graces are conveyed, and may properly be
called, in the last resort, the governors of the kingdom."
One day, in discourse, my master, having heard me mention the nobility
of my country, was pleased to make me a compliment which I could not pretend
to deserve: "that he was sure I must have been born of some noble
family, because I far exceeded in shape, colour, and cleanliness, all the
YAHOOS of his nation, although I seemed to fail in strength and agility,
which must be imputed to my different way of living from those other brutes;
and besides I was not only endowed with the faculty of speech, but
likewise with some rudiments of reason, to a degree that, with all
his acquaintance, I passed for a prodigy."
He made me observe, "that among the HOUYHNHNMS, the white, the sorrel,
and the iron-gray, were not so exactly shaped as the bay, the dapple-gray,
and the black; nor born with equal talents of mind, or a capacity to improve
them; and therefore continued always in the condition of servants, without
ever aspiring to match out of their own race, which in that country would
be reckoned monstrous and unnatural."
I made his honour my most humble acknowledgments for the good opinion he
was pleased to conceive of me, but assured him at the same time, "that my
birth was of the lower sort, having been born of plain honest parents, who
were just able to give me a tolerable education; that nobility, among us, was
altogether a different thing from the idea he had of it; that our
young noblemen are bred from their childhood in idleness and luxury; that,
as soon as years will permit, they consume their vigour, and contract odious
diseases among lewd females; and when their fortunes are almost ruined, they
marry some woman of mean birth, disagreeable person, and unsound constitution
(merely for the sake of money), whom they hate and despise. That the
productions of such marriages are generally scrofulous, rickety, or
deformed children; by which means the family seldom continues above
three generations, unless the wife takes care to provide a healthy father,
among her neighbours or domestics, in order to improve and continue the
breed. That a weak diseased body, a meagre countenance, and sallow
complexion, are the true marks of noble blood; and a healthy robust
appearance is so disgraceful in a man of quality, that the world concludes
his real father to have been a groom or a coachman. The imperfections
of his mind run parallel with those of his body, being a composition of
spleen, dullness, ignorance, caprice, sensuality, and pride.
"Without the consent of this illustrious body, no law can be enacted,
repealed, or altered: and these nobles have likewise the decision of
all our possessions, without appeal." (6)
CHAPTER VII.
[The author's great love of his native country. His
master's observations upon the constitution and administration of
England, as described by the author, with parallel cases and
comparisons. His master's observations upon human nature.]
The reader may be disposed to wonder how I could prevail on myself
to give so free a representation of my own species, among a race of mortals
who are already too apt to conceive the vilest opinion of humankind, from
that entire congruity between me and their YAHOOS. But I must freely confess,
that the many virtues of those excellent quadrupeds, placed in opposite view
to human corruptions, had so far opened my eyes and enlarged
my understanding, that I began to view the actions and passions of man in
a very different light, and to think the honour of my own kind not worth
managing; which, besides, it was impossible for me to do, before a person of
so acute a judgment as my master, who daily convinced me of a thousand faults
in myself, whereof I had not the least perception before, and which, with us,
would never be numbered even among human infirmities. I had
likewise learned, from his example, an utter detestation of all
falsehood or disguise; and truth appeared so amiable to me, that
I determined upon sacrificing every thing to it.
Let me deal so candidly with the reader as to confess that there was yet
a much stronger motive for the freedom I took in my representation of
things. I had not yet been a year in this country before I contracted
such a love and veneration for the inhabitants, that I entered on a firm
resolution never to return to humankind, but to pass the rest of my life
among these admirable HOUYHNHNMS, in the contemplation and practice of
every virtue, where I could have no example or incitement to vice.
But it was decreed by fortune, my perpetual enemy, that so great
a felicity should not fall to my share. However, it is now
some comfort to reflect, that in what I said of my countrymen,
I extenuated their faults as much as I durst before so strict an examiner;
and upon every article gave as favourable a turn as the matter would bear.
For, indeed, who is there alive that will not be swayed by his bias and
partiality to the place of his birth?
I have related the substance of several conversations I had with my
master during the greatest part of the time I had the honour to be in his
service; but have, indeed, for brevity sake, omitted much more than is here
set down.
When I had answered all his questions, and his curiosity seemed to be
fully satisfied, he sent for me one morning early, and commanded me to sit
down at some distance (an honour which he had never before conferred upon
me). He said, "he had been very seriously considering my whole story,
as far as it related both to myself and my country; that he looked upon us as
a sort of animals, to whose share, by what accident he could
not conjecture, some small pittance of reason had fallen, whereof we made
no other use, than by its assistance, to aggravate our natural corruptions,
and to acquire new ones, which nature had not given us; that we disarmed
ourselves of the few abilities she had bestowed; had been very successful in
multiplying our original wants, and seemed to spend our whole lives in
vain endeavours to supply them by our own inventions; that, as to myself,
it was manifest I had neither the strength nor agility of a common YAHOO;
that I walked infirmly on my hinder feet; had found out a contrivance to make
my claws of no use or defence, and to remove the hair from my chin, which was
intended as a shelter from the sun and the weather: lastly, that I
could neither run with speed, nor climb trees like my brethren," as
he called them, "the YAHOOS in his country.
"That our institutions of government and law were plainly owing to our
gross defects in reason, and by consequence in virtue; because reason alone
is sufficient to govern a rational creature; which was, therefore, a
character we had no pretence to challenge, even from the account I had given
of my own people; although he manifestly perceived, that, in order to favour
them, I had concealed many particulars, and often said the thing which was
not.
"He was the more confirmed in this opinion, because, he observed, that
as I agreed in every feature of my body with other YAHOOS, except where it
was to my real disadvantage in point of strength, speed, and activity, the
shortness of my claws, and some other particulars where nature had no part;
so from the representation I had given him of our lives, our manners, and our
actions, he found as near a resemblance in the disposition of our
minds." He said, "the YAHOOS were known to hate one another, more than
they did any different species of animals; and the reason usually assigned
was, the odiousness of their own shapes, which all could see in the rest, but
not in themselves. He had therefore begun to think it not unwise in us
to cover our bodies, and by that invention conceal many of our deformities
from each other, which would else be hardly supportable. But he now
found he had been mistaken, and that the dissensions of those brutes in his
country were owing to the same cause with ours, as I had described them.
For if," said he, "you throw among five YAHOOS as much food as would be
sufficient for fifty, they will, instead of eating peaceably, fall together
by the ears, each single one impatient to have all to itself; and therefore a
servant was usually employed to stand by while they were feeding abroad, and
those kept at home were tied at a distance from each other: that if
a cow died of age or accident, before a HOUYHNHNM could secure it for his
own YAHOOS, those in the neighbourhood would come in herds to seize it, and
then would ensue such a battle as I had described, with terrible wounds made
by their claws on both sides, although they seldom were able to kill one
another, for want of such convenient instruments of death as we had invented.
At other times, the like battles have been fought between the YAHOOS of
several neighbourhoods, without any visible cause; those of one district
watching all opportunities to surprise the next, before they are
prepared. But if they find their project has miscarried, they return
home, and, for want of enemies, engage in what I call a civil war among
themselves.
"That in some fields of his country there are certain shining stones of
several colours, whereof the YAHOOS are violently fond: and when part of
these stones is fixed in the earth, as it sometimes happens, they will dig
with their claws for whole days to get them out; then carry them away, and
hide them by heaps in their kennels; but still looking round with great
caution, for fear their comrades should find out their treasure." My
master said, "he could never discover the reason of this
unnatural appetite, or how these stones could be of any use to a YAHOO;
but now he believed it might proceed from the same principle of avarice
which I had ascribed to mankind. That he had once, by way of
experiment, privately removed a heap of these stones from the place where one
of his YAHOOS had buried it; whereupon the sordid animal, missing his
treasure, by his loud lamenting brought the whole herd to the place, there
miserably howled, then fell to biting and tearing the rest, began to pine
away, would neither eat, nor sleep, nor work, till he ordered a
servant privately to convey the stones into the same hole, and hide
them as before; which, when his YAHOO had found, he presently recovered
his spirits and good humour, but took good care to remove them to a better
hiding place, and has ever since been a very serviceable brute."
My master further assured me, which I also observed myself, "that in the
fields where the shining stones abound, the fiercest and most frequent
battles are fought, occasioned by perpetual inroads of the neighbouring
YAHOOS."
He said, "it was common, when two YAHOOS discovered such a stone in a
field, and were contending which of them should be the proprietor, a third
would take the advantage, and carry it away from them both;" which my master
would needs contend to have some kind of resemblance with our suits at law;
wherein I thought it for our credit not to undeceive him; since the decision
he mentioned was much more equitable than many decrees among us; because
the plaintiff and defendant there lost nothing beside the stone they
contended for: whereas our courts of equity would never have dismissed
the cause, while either of them had any thing left.
My master, continuing his discourse, said, "there was nothing that
rendered the YAHOOS more odious, than their undistinguishing appetite to
devour every thing that came in their way, whether herbs, roots, berries, the
corrupted flesh of animals, or all mingled together: and it was
peculiar in their temper, that they were fonder of what they could get by
rapine or stealth, at a greater distance, than much better food provided for
them at home. If their prey held out, they would eat till they were
ready to burst; after which, nature had pointed out to them a certain root
that gave them a general evacuation.
"There was also another kind of root, very juicy, but somewhat rare and
difficult to be found, which the YAHOOS sought for with much eagerness, and
would suck it with great delight; it produced in them the same effects that
wine has upon us. It would make them sometimes hug, and sometimes tear
one another; they would howl, and grin, and chatter, and reel, and tumble,
and then fall asleep in the mud."
I did indeed observe that the YAHOOS were the only animals in this
country subject to any diseases; which, however, were much fewer than horses
have among us, and contracted, not by any ill-treatment they meet with, but
by the nastiness and greediness of that sordid brute. Neither has their
language any more than a general appellation for those maladies, which is
borrowed from the name of the beast, and called HNEA-YAHOO, or YAHOO'S
EVIL; and the cure prescribed is a mixture of their own dung and
urine, forcibly put down the YAHOO'S throat. This I have since
often known to have been taken with success, and do here freely recommend
it to my countrymen for the public good, as an admirable specific against all
diseases produced by repletion.
"As to learning, government, arts, manufactures, and the like," my
master confessed, "he could find little or no resemblance between the YAHOOS
of that country and those in ours; for he only meant to observe what parity
there was in our natures. He had heard, indeed, some curious HOUYHNHNMS
observe, that in most herds there was a sort of ruling YAHOO (as among us
there is generally some leading or principal stag in a park), who
was always more deformed in body, and mischievous in disposition, than any
of the rest; that this leader had usually a favourite as like himself as he
could get, whose employment was to lick his master's feet and posteriors, and
drive the female YAHOOS to his kennel; for which he was now and then rewarded
with a piece of ass's flesh. This favourite is hated by the whole herd,
and therefore, to protect himself, keeps always near the person of his
leader. He usually continues in office till a worse can be found; but
the very moment he is discarded, his successor, at the head of all the YAHOOS
in that district, young and old, male and female, come in a body, and
discharge their excrements upon him from head to foot. But how far this
might be applicable to our courts, and favourites, and ministers of state, my
master said I could best determine."
I durst make no return to this malicious insinuation, which debased
human understanding below the sagacity of a common hound, who has judgment
enough to distinguish and follow the cry of the ablest dog in the pack,
without being ever mistaken.
My master told me, "there were some qualities remarkable in the YAHOOS,
which he had not observed me to mention, or at least very slightly, in the
accounts I had given of humankind." He said, "those animals, like other
brutes, had their females in common; but in this they differed, that the she
YAHOO would admit the males while she was pregnant; and that the hes would
quarrel and fight with the females, as fiercely as with each other;
both which practices were such degrees of infamous brutality, as no other
sensitive creature ever arrived at.
"Another thing he wondered at in the YAHOOS, was their
strange disposition to nastiness and dirt; whereas there appears to be
a natural love of cleanliness in all other animals." As to the
two former accusations, I was glad to let them pass without any reply,
because I had not a word to offer upon them in defence of my species, which
otherwise I certainly had done from my own inclinations. But I could
have easily vindicated humankind from the imputation of singularity upon the
last article, if there had been any swine in that country (as unluckily for
me there were not), which, although it may be a sweeter quadruped than a
YAHOO, cannot, I humbly conceive, in justice, pretend to more cleanliness;
and so his honour himself must have owned, if he had seen their filthy way of
feeding, and their custom of wallowing and sleeping in the mud.
My master likewise mentioned another quality which his servants had
discovered in several Yahoos, and to him was wholly unaccountable. He said,
"a fancy would sometimes take a YAHOO to retire into a corner, to lie down,
and howl, and groan, and spurn away all that came near him, although he were
young and fat, wanted neither food nor water, nor did the servant imagine
what could possibly ail him. And the only remedy they found was, to set
him to hard work, after which he would infallibly come to himself." To
this I was silent out of partiality to my own kind; yet here I could plainly
discover the true seeds of spleen, which only seizes on the lazy, the
luxurious, and the rich; who, if they were forced to undergo the same
regimen, I would undertake for the cure.
His honour had further observed, "that a female YAHOO would often stand
behind a bank or a bush, to gaze on the young males passing by, and then
appear, and hide, using many antic gestures and grimaces, at which time it
was observed that she had a most offensive smell; and when any of the males
advanced, would slowly retire, looking often back, and with a counterfeit
show of fear, run off into some convenient place, where she knew the male
would follow her.
"At other times, if a female stranger came among them, three or four of
her own sex would get about her, and stare, and chatter, and grin, and smell
her all over; and then turn off with gestures, that seemed to express
contempt and disdain."
Perhaps my master might refine a little in these speculations, which he
had drawn from what he observed himself, or had been told him by others;
however, I could not reflect without some amazement, and much sorrow, that
the rudiments of lewdness, coquetry, censure, and scandal, should have place
by instinct in womankind.
I expected every moment that my master would accuse the YAHOOS of those
unnatural appetites in both sexes, so common among us. But nature, it
seems, has not been so expert a school-mistress; and these politer pleasures
are entirely the productions of art and reason on our side of the
globe.
CHAPTER VIII.
[The author relates several particulars of the YAHOOS. The
great virtues of the HOUYHNHNMS. The education and exercise of
their youth. Their general assembly.]
As I ought to have understood human nature much better than
I supposed it possible for my master to do, so it was easy to apply the
character he gave of the YAHOOS to myself and my countrymen; and I believed I
could yet make further discoveries, from my own observation. I
therefore often begged his honour to let me go among the herds of YAHOOS in
the neighbourhood; to which he always very graciously consented, being
perfectly convinced that the hatred I bore these brutes would never suffer me
to be corrupted by them; and his honour ordered one of his servants,
a strong sorrel nag, very honest and good-natured, to be my guard; without
whose protection I durst not undertake such adventures. For I have already
told the reader how much I was pestered by these odious animals, upon my
first arrival; and I afterwards failed very narrowly, three or four times, of
falling into their clutches, when I happened to stray at any distance without
my hanger. And I have reason to believe they had some
imagination that I was of their own species, which I often assisted myself
by stripping up my sleeves, and showing my naked arms and breasts in their
sight, when my protector was with me. At which times they would
approach as near as they durst, and imitate my actions after the manner of
monkeys, but ever with great signs of hatred; as a tame jackdaw with cap and
stockings is always persecuted by the wild ones, when he happens to be got
among them.
They are prodigiously nimble from their infancy. However, I
once caught a young male of three years old, and endeavoured, by all marks
of tenderness, to make it quiet; but the little imp fell a squalling, and
scratching, and biting with such violence, that I was forced to let it go;
and it was high time, for a whole troop of old ones came about us at the
noise, but finding the cub was safe (for away it ran), and my sorrel nag
being by, they durst not venture near us. I observed the young animal's
flesh to smell very rank, and the stink was somewhat between a weasel
and a fox, but much more disagreeable. I forgot another
circumstance (and perhaps I might have the reader's pardon if it were
wholly omitted), that while I held the odious vermin in my hands,
it voided its filthy excrements of a yellow liquid substance all over my
clothes; but by good fortune there was a small brook hard by, where I washed
myself as clean as I could; although I durst not come into my master's
presence until I were sufficiently aired.
By what I could discover, the YAHOOS appear to be the most unteachable
of all animals: their capacity never reaching higher than to draw or
carry burdens. Yet I am of opinion, this defect arises chiefly from a
perverse, restive disposition; for they are cunning, malicious, treacherous,
and revengeful. They are strong and hardy, but of a cowardly spirit,
and, by consequence, insolent, abject, and cruel. It is observed, that
the red haired of both sexes are more libidinous and mischievous than the
rest, whom yet they much exceed in strength and activity.
The HOUYHNHNMS keep the YAHOOS for present use in huts not far from the
house; but the rest are sent abroad to certain fields, where they dig up
roots, eat several kinds of herbs, and search about for carrion, or sometimes
catch weasels and LUHIMUHS (a sort of wild rat), which they greedily
devour. Nature has taught them to dig deep holes with their nails on
the side of a rising ground, wherein they lie by themselves; only the kennels
of the females are larger, sufficient to hold two or three cubs.
They swim from their infancy like frogs, and are able to continue long
under water, where they often take fish, which the females carry home to
their young. And, upon this occasion, I hope the reader will pardon my
relating an odd adventure.
Being one day abroad with my protector the sorrel nag, and the weather
exceeding hot, I entreated him to let me bathe in a river that was
near. He consented, and I immediately stripped myself stark naked, and
went down softly into the stream. It happened that a young female
YAHOO, standing behind a bank, saw the whole proceeding, and inflamed by
desire, as the nag and I conjectured, came running with all speed, and leaped
into the water, within five yards of the place where I bathed. I was
never in my life so terribly frightened. The nag was grazing at some
distance, not suspecting any harm. She embraced me after a most
fulsome manner. I roared as loud as I could, and the nag came
galloping towards me, whereupon she quitted her grasp, with the
utmost reluctancy, and leaped upon the opposite bank, where she
stood gazing and howling all the time I was putting on my clothes.
This was a matter of diversion to my master and his family, as well as
of mortification to myself. For now I could no longer deny that I was a
real YAHOO in every limb and feature, since the females had a natural
propensity to me, as one of their own species. Neither was the hair of
this brute of a red colour (which might have been some excuse for an appetite
a little irregular), but black as a sloe, and her countenance did not
make an appearance altogether so hideous as the rest of her kind; for I
think she could not be above eleven years old.
Having lived three years in this country, the reader, I suppose, will
expect that I should, like other travellers, give him some account of the
manners and customs of its inhabitants, which it was indeed my principal
study to learn.
As these noble HOUYHNHNMS are endowed by nature with a
general disposition to all virtues, and have no conceptions or ideas
of what is evil in a rational creature, so their grand maxim is,
to cultivate reason, and to be wholly governed by it. Neither
is reason among them a point problematical, as with us, where men can
argue with plausibility on both sides of the question, but strikes you with
immediate conviction; as it must needs do, where it is not mingled, obscured,
or discoloured, by passion and interest. I remember it was with extreme
difficulty that I could bring my master to understand the meaning of the word
opinion, or how a point could be disputable; because reason taught us
to affirm or deny only where we are certain; and beyond our knowledge we
cannot do either. So that controversies, wranglings, disputes, and
positiveness, in false or dubious propositions, are evils unknown among the
HOUYHNHNMS. In the like manner, when I used to explain to him our
several systems of natural philosophy, he would laugh, "that a creature
pretending to reason, should value itself upon the knowledge of
other people's conjectures, and in things where that knowledge, if it were
certain, could be of no use." Wherein he agreed entirely with the
sentiments of Socrates, as Plato delivers them; which I mention as the
highest honour I can do that prince of philosophers -I have often since
reflected, what destruction such doctrine would make in the libraries of
Europe; and how many paths of fame would be then shut up in the learned
world.
Friendship and benevolence are the two principal virtues among the
HOUYHNHNMS; and these not confined to particular objects, but universal to
the whole race; for a stranger from the remotest part is equally treated with
the nearest neighbour, and wherever he goes, looks upon himself as at
home. They preserve decency and civility in the highest degrees, but
are altogether ignorant of ceremony. They have no fondness for their
colts or foals, but the care they take in educating them proceeds entirely
from the dictates of reason. And I observed my master to show the
same affection to his neighbour's issue, that he had for his own. They
will have it that nature teaches them to love the whole species, and it is
reason only that makes a distinction of persons, where there is a superior
degree of virtue.
When the matron HOUYHNHNMS have produced one of each sex, they no longer
accompany with their consorts, except they lose one of their issue by some
casualty, which very seldom happens; but in such a case they meet again; or
when the like accident befalls a person whose wife is past bearing, some
other couple bestow on him one of their own colts, and then go together again
until the mother is pregnant. This caution is necessary, to prevent
the country from being overburdened with numbers. But the race
of inferior HOUYHNHNMS, bred up to be servants, is not so strictly limited
upon this article: these are allowed to produce three of each sex, to
be domestics in the noble families.
In their marriages, they are exactly careful to choose such colours as
will not make any disagreeable mixture in the breed. Strength is chiefly
valued in the male, and comeliness in the female; not upon the account of
love, but to preserve the race from degenerating; for where a female happens
to excel in strength, a consort is chosen, with regard to comeliness.
Courtship, love, presents, jointures, settlements have no place in their
thoughts, or terms whereby to express them in their language. The young
couple meet, and are joined, merely because it is the determination of their
parents and friends; it is what they see done every day, and they look upon
it as one of the necessary actions of a reasonable being. But the
violation of marriage, or any other unchastity, was never heard of; and
the married pair pass their lives with the same friendship and
mutual benevolence, that they bear to all others of the same species
who come in their way, without jealousy, fondness, quarrelling,
or discontent.
In educating the youth of both sexes, their method is admirable, and
highly deserves our imitation. These are not suffered to taste a grain
of oats, except upon certain days, till eighteen years old; nor milk, but
very rarely; and in summer they graze two hours in the morning, and as many
in the evening, which their parents likewise observe; but the servants are
not allowed above half that time, and a great part of their grass is brought
home, which they eat at the most convenient hours, when they can be best
spared from work.
Temperance, industry, exercise, and cleanliness, are the lessons equally
enjoined to the young ones of both sexes: and my master thought it
monstrous in us, to give the females a different kind of education from the
males, except in some articles of domestic management; whereby, as he truly
observed, one half of our natives were good for nothing but bringing children
into the world; and to trust the care of our children to such
useless animals, he said, was yet a greater instance of brutality.
But the HOUYHNHNMS train up their youth to strength, speed,
and hardiness, by exercising them in running races up and down
steep hills, and over hard stony grounds; and when they are all in
a sweat, they are ordered to leap over head and ears into a pond
or river. Four times a year the youth of a certain district meet
to show their proficiency in running and leaping, and other feats
of strength and agility; where the victor is rewarded with a song in his
or her praise. On this festival, the servants drive a herd of YAHOOS
into the field, laden with hay, and oats, and milk, for a repast to the
HOUYHNHNMS; after which, these brutes are immediately driven back again, for
fear of being noisome to the assembly.
Every fourth year, at the vernal equinox, there is a representative
council of the whole nation, which meets in a plain about twenty miles from
our house, and continues about five or six days. Here they inquire into
the state and condition of the several districts; whether they abound or be
deficient in hay or oats, or cows, or YAHOOS; and wherever there is any
want (which is but seldom) it is immediately supplied by unanimous consent
and contribution. Here likewise the regulation of children is
settled: as for instance, if a HOUYHNHNM has two males, he changes one
of them with another that has two females; and when a child has been lost by
any casualty, where the mother is past breeding, it is determined what family
in the district shall breed another to supply the loss.
CHAPTER IX.
[A grand debate at the general assembly of the HOUYHNHNMS, and how it
was determined. The learning of the HOUYHNHNMS.
Their buildings. Their manner of burials. The defectiveness of
their language.]
One of these grand assemblies was held in my time, about
three months before my departure, whither my master went as
the representative of our district. In this council was
resumed their old debate, and indeed the only debate that ever happened in
their country; whereof my master, after his return, give me a very particular
account.
The question to be debated was, "whether the YAHOOS should
be exterminated from the face of the earth?" One of the members
for the affirmative offered several arguments of great strength
and weight, alleging, "that as the YAHOOS were the most filthy, noisome,
and deformed animals which nature ever produced, so they were the most
restive and indocible, mischievous and malicious; they would privately suck
the teats of the HOUYHNHNMS' cows, kill and devour their cats, trample down
their oats and grass, if they were not continually watched, and commit a
thousand other extravagancies." He took notice of a general tradition,
"that YAHOOS had not been always in their country; but that many ages ago,
two of these brutes appeared together upon a mountain; whether produced by
the heat of the sun upon corrupted mud and slime, or from the ooze and froth
of the sea, was never known; that these YAHOOS engendered, and their brood,
in a short time, grew so numerous as to overrun and infest the whole nation;
that the HOUYHNHNMS, to get rid of this evil, made a general hunting, and
at last enclosed the whole herd; and destroying the elder, every HOUYHNHNM
kept two young ones in a kennel, and brought them to such a degree of
tameness, as an animal, so savage by nature, can be capable of acquiring,
using them for draught and carriage; that there seemed to be much truth in
this tradition, and that those creatures could not be YINHNIAMSHY (or
ABORIGINES of the land), because of the violent hatred the HOUYHNHNMS, as
well as all other animals, bore them, which, although their
evil disposition sufficiently deserved, could never have arrived at
so high a degree if they had been ABORIGINES, or else they would have long
since been rooted out; that the inhabitants, taking a fancy to use the
service of the YAHOOS, had, very imprudently, neglected to cultivate the
breed of asses, which are a comely animal, easily kept, more tame and
orderly, without any offensive smell, strong enough for labour, although they
yield to the other in agility of body, and if their braying be no agreeable
sound, it is far preferable to the horrible howlings of the YAHOOS."
Several others declared their sentiments to the same purpose, when my
master proposed an expedient to the assembly, whereof he had indeed borrowed
the hint from me. "He approved of the tradition mentioned by the
honourable member who spoke before, and affirmed, that the two YAHOOS said to
be seen first among them, had been driven thither over the sea; that coming
to land, and being forsaken by their companions, they retired to
the mountains, and degenerating by degrees, became in process of time much
more savage than those of their own species in the country whence these two
originals came. The reason of this assertion was, that he had now in
his possession a certain wonderful YAHOO (meaning myself) which most of them
had heard of, and many of them had seen. He then related to them how he
first found me; that my body was all covered with an artificial composure of
the skins and hairs of other animals; that I spoke in a language of my
own, and had thoroughly learned theirs; that I had related to him the
accidents which brought me thither; that when he saw me without my covering,
I was an exact YAHOO in every part, only of a whiter colour, less hairy, and
with shorter claws. He added, how I had endeavoured to persuade him,
that in my own and other countries, the YAHOOS acted as the governing,
rational animal, and held the HOUYHNHNMS in servitude; that he observed in me
all the qualities of a YAHOO, only a little more civilized by
some tincture of reason, which, however, was in a degree as far inferior
to the HOUYHNHNM race, as the YAHOOS of their country were to me; that, among
other things, I mentioned a custom we had of castrating HOUYHNHNMS when they
were young, in order to render them tame; that the operation was easy and
safe; that it was no shame to learn wisdom from brutes, as industry is taught
by the ant, and building by the swallow (for so I translate the
word LYHANNH, although it be a much larger fowl); that this
invention might be practised upon the younger YAHOOS here, which
besides rendering them tractable and fitter for use, would in an age
put an end to the whole species, without destroying life; that in the mean
time the HOUYHNHNMS should be exhorted to cultivate the breed of asses,
which, as they are in all respects more valuable brutes, so they have this
advantage, to be fit for service at five years old, which the others are not
till twelve."
This was all my master thought fit to tell me, at that time, of what
passed in the grand council. But he was pleased to conceal one
particular, which related personally to myself, whereof I soon felt the
unhappy effect, as the reader will know in its proper place, and whence I
date all the succeeding misfortunes of my life.
The HOUYHNHNMS have no letters, and consequently their knowledge is all
traditional. But there happening few events of any moment among a
people so well united, naturally disposed to every virtue, wholly governed by
reason, and cut off from all commerce with other nations, the historical part
is easily preserved without burdening their memories. I have already
observed that they are subject to no diseases, and therefore can have no
need of physicians. However, they have excellent medicines, composed of
herbs, to cure accidental bruises and cuts in the pastern or frog of the
foot, by sharp stones, as well as other maims and hurts in the several parts
of the body.
They calculate the year by the revolution of the sun and moon, but use
no subdivisions into weeks. They are well enough acquainted with the
motions of those two luminaries, and understand the nature of eclipses; and
this is the utmost progress of their astronomy.
In poetry, they must be allowed to excel all other mortals; wherein the
justness of their similes, and the minuteness as well as exactness of their
descriptions, are indeed inimitable. Their verses abound very much in
both of these, and usually contain either some exalted notions of friendship
and benevolence or the praises of those who were victors in races and other
bodily exercises. Their buildings, although very rude and simple,
are not inconvenient, but well contrived to defend them from all injuries
of and heat. They have a kind of tree, which at forty years old loosens
in the root, and falls with the first storm: it grows very straight, and
being pointed like stakes with a sharp stone (for the HOUYHNHNMS know not the
use of iron), they stick them erect in the ground, about ten inches asunder,
and then weave in oat straw, or sometimes wattles, between them.
The roof is made after the same manner, and so are the doors.
The HOUYHNHNMS use the hollow part, between the pastern and the hoof of
their fore-foot, as we do our hands, and this with greater dexterity than I
could at first imagine. I have seen a white mare of our family thread a
needle (which I lent her on purpose) with that joint. They milk their
cows, reap their oats, and do all the work which requires hands, in the same
manner. They have a kind of hard flints, which, by grinding against
other stones, they form into instruments, that serve instead of
wedges, axes, and hammers. With tools made of these flints, they
likewise cut their hay, and reap their oats, which there grow naturally
in several fields; the YAHOOS draw home the sheaves in carriages, and the
servants tread them in certain covered huts to get out the grain, which is
kept in stores. They make a rude kind of earthen and wooden vessels,
and bake the former in the sun.
If they can avoid casualties, they die only of old age, and are buried
in the obscurest places that can be found, their friends and relations
expressing neither joy nor grief at their departure; nor does the dying
person discover the least regret that he is leaving the world, any more than
if he were upon returning home from a visit to one of his neighbours. I
remember my master having once made an appointment with a friend and
his family to come to his house, upon some affair of importance:
on the day fixed, the mistress and her two children came very late; she
made two excuses, first for her husband, who, as she said, happened that very
morning to SHNUWNH. The word is strongly expressive in their language,
but not easily rendered into English; it signifies, "to retire to his first
mother." Her excuse for not coming sooner, was, that her husband dying
late in the morning, she was a good while consulting her servants about
a convenient place where his body should be laid; and I observed, she
behaved herself at our house as cheerfully as the rest. She died about
three months after.
They live generally to seventy, or seventy-five years, very seldom to
fourscore. Some weeks before their death, they feel a gradual decay;
but without pain. During this time they are much visited by their
friends, because they cannot go abroad with their usual ease and
satisfaction. However, about ten days before their death, which they
seldom fail in computing, they return the visits that have been made them by
those who are nearest in the neighbourhood, being carried in a
convenient sledge drawn by YAHOOS; which vehicle they use, not only
upon this occasion, but when they grow old, upon long journeys, or when
they are lamed by any accident: and therefore when the dying HOUYHNHNMS
return those visits, they take a solemn leave of their friends, as if they
were going to some remote part of the country, where they designed to pass
the rest of their lives.
I know not whether it may be worth observing, that the HOUYHNHNMS have
no word in their language to express any thing that is evil, except what they
borrow from the deformities or ill qualities of the YAHOOS. Thus they
denote the folly of a servant, an omission of a child, a stone that cuts
their feet, a continuance of foul or unseasonable weather, and the like, by
adding to each the epithet of YAHOO. For instance, HHNM YAHOO; WHNAHOLM
YAHOO, YNLHMNDWIHLMA YAHOO, and an ill-contrived house
YNHOLMHNMROHLNW YAHOO.
I could, with great pleasure, enlarge further upon the manners and
virtues of this excellent people; but intending in a short time to publish a
volume by itself, expressly upon that subject, I refer the reader thither;
and, in the mean time, proceed to relate my own sad catastrophe.
CHAPTER X.
[The author's economy, and happy life, among the Houyhnhnms.
His great improvement in virtue by conversing with them.
Their conversations. The author has notice given him by his
master, that he must depart from the country. He falls into a swoon
for grief; but submits. He contrives and finishes a canoe by
the help of a fellow-servant, and puts to sea at a venture.]
I had settled my little economy to my own heart's content.
My master had ordered a room to be made for me, after their manner, about
six yards from the house: the sides and floors of which I plastered
with clay, and covered with rush-mats of my own contriving. I had
beaten hemp, which there grows wild, and made of it a sort of ticking; this I
filled with the feathers of several birds I had taken with springes made of
YAHOOS' hairs, and were excellent food. I had worked two chairs with my
knife, the sorrel nag helping me in the grosser and more laborious
part.
When my clothes were worn to rags, I made myself others with the skins
of rabbits, and of a certain beautiful animal, about the same size, called
NNUHNOH, the skin of which is covered with a fine down. Of these I also
made very tolerable stockings. I soled my shoes with wood, which I cut
from a tree, and fitted to the upper-leather; and when this was worn out, I
supplied it with the skins of YAHOOS dried in the sun. I often got
honey out of hollow trees, which I mingled with water, or ate with my bread.
No man could more verify the truth of these two maxims, "That nature is
very easily satisfied;" and, "That necessity is the mother of
invention." I enjoyed perfect health of body, and tranquillity of mind;
I did not feel the treachery or inconstancy of a friend, nor the injuries of
a secret or open enemy. I had no occasion of bribing, flattering, or
pimping, to procure the favour of any great man, or of his minion; I wanted
no fence against fraud or oppression: here was neither physician
to destroy my body, nor lawyer to ruin my fortune; no informer to watch my
words and actions, or forge accusations against me for hire: here were
no gibers, censurers, backbiters, pickpockets, highwaymen, housebreakers,
attorneys, bawds, buffoons, gamesters, politicians, wits, splenetics, tedious
talkers, controvertists, ravishers, murderers, robbers, virtuosos; no
leaders, or followers, of party and faction; no encouragers to vice,
by seducement or examples; no dungeon, axes, gibbets, whipping-posts, or
pillories; no cheating shopkeepers or mechanics; no pride, vanity, or
affectation; no fops, bullies, drunkards, strolling whores, or poxes; no
ranting, lewd, expensive wives; no stupid, proud pedants; no
importunate, overbearing, quarrelsome, noisy, roaring, empty,
conceited, swearing companions; no scoundrels raised from the dust upon
the merit of their vices, or nobility thrown into it on account of their
virtues; no lords, fiddlers, judges, or dancing-masters.
I had the favour of being admitted to several HOUYHNHNMS, who came to
visit or dine with my master; where his honour graciously suffered me to wait
in the room, and listen to their discourse. Both he and his company would
often descend to ask me questions, and receive my answers. I had also
sometimes the honour of attending my master in his visits to others. I
never presumed to speak, except in answer to a question; and then I did it
with inward regret, because it was a loss of so much time for improving
myself; but I was infinitely delighted with the station of an humble auditor
in such conversations, where nothing passed but what was useful, expressed in
the fewest and most significant words; where, as I have already said, the
greatest decency was observed, without the least degree of ceremony; where no
person spoke without being pleased himself, and pleasing his
companions; where there was no interruption, tediousness, heat, or
difference of sentiments. They have a notion, that when people are
met together, a short silence does much improve conversation: this
I found to be true; for during those little intermissions of talk, new
ideas would arise in their minds, which very much enlivened the discourse.
Their subjects are, generally on friendship and benevolence, on order and
economy; sometimes upon the visible operations of nature, or ancient
traditions; upon the bounds and limits of virtue; upon the unerring rules of
reason, or upon some determinations to be taken at the next great
assembly: and often upon the various excellences of poetry. I may
add, without vanity, that my presence often gave them sufficient matter
for discourse, because it afforded my master an occasion of letting his
friends into the history of me and my country, upon which they were all
pleased to descant, in a manner not very advantageous to humankind: and
for that reason I shall not repeat what they said; only I may be allowed to
observe, that his honour, to my great admiration, appeared to understand the
nature of YAHOOS much better than myself. He went through all our
vices and follies, and discovered many, which I had never mentioned
to him, by only supposing what qualities a YAHOO of their country, with a
small proportion of reason, might be capable of exerting; and concluded, with
too much probability, "how vile, as well as miserable, such a creature must
be."
I freely confess, that all the little knowledge I have of any value, was
acquired by the lectures I received from my master, and from hearing the
discourses of him and his friends; to which I should be prouder to listen,
than to dictate to the greatest and wisest assembly in Europe. I
admired the strength, comeliness, and speed of the inhabitants; and such
a constellation of virtues, in such amiable persons, produced in me the
highest veneration. At first, indeed, I did not feel that natural awe,
which the YAHOOS and all other animals bear toward them; but it grew upon me
by decrees, much sooner than I imagined, and was mingled with a respectful
love and gratitude, that they would condescend to distinguish me from the
rest of my species.
When I thought of my family, my friends, my countrymen, or the human
race in general, I considered them, as they really were, YAHOOS in shape and
disposition, perhaps a little more civilized, and qualified with the gift of
speech; but making no other use of reason, than to improve and multiply those
vices whereof their brethren in this country had only the share that nature
allotted them. When I happened to behold the reflection of my own form
in a lake or fountain, I turned away my face in horror and detestation of
myself, and could better endure the sight of a common YAHOO than of my own
person. By conversing with the HOUYHNHNMS, and looking upon them with
delight, I fell to imitate their gait and gesture, which is now grown into a
habit; and my friends often tell me, in a blunt way, "that I trot like
a horse;" which, however, I take for a great compliment.
Neither shall I disown, that in speaking I am apt to fall into the
voice and manner of the HOUYHNHNMS, and hear myself ridiculed on
that account, without the least mortification.
In the midst of all this happiness, and when I looked upon myself to be
fully settled for life, my master sent for me one morning a little earlier
than his usual hour. I observed by his countenance that he was in some
perplexity, and at a loss how to begin what he had to speak. After a
short silence, he told me, "he did not know how I would take what he was
going to say: that in the last general assembly, when the affair of the
YAHOOS was entered upon, the representatives had taken offence at
his keeping a YAHOO (meaning myself) in his family, more like a HOUYHNHNM
than a brute animal; that he was known frequently to converse with me, as if
he could receive some advantage or pleasure in my company; that such a
practice was not agreeable to reason or nature, or a thing ever heard of
before among them; the assembly did therefore exhort him either to employ me
like the rest of my species, or command me to swim back to the
place whence I came: that the first of these expedients was
utterly rejected by all the HOUYHNHNMS who had ever seen me at his
house or their own; for they alleged, that because I had some rudiments of
reason, added to the natural pravity of those animals, it was to be feared I
might be able to seduce them into the woody and mountainous parts of the
country, and bring them in troops by night to destroy the HOUYHNHNMS' cattle,
as being naturally of the ravenous kind, and averse from labour."
My master added, "that he was daily pressed by the HOUYHNHNMS of the
neighbourhood to have the assembly's exhortation executed, which he could not
put off much longer. He doubted it would be impossible for me to swim
to another country; and therefore wished I would contrive some sort of
vehicle, resembling those I had described to him, that might carry me on the
sea; in which work I should have the assistance of his own servants, as well
as those of his neighbours." He concluded, "that for his own part, he
could have been content to keep me in his service as long as I lived; because
he found I had cured myself of some bad habits and dispositions, by
endeavouring, as far as my inferior nature was capable, to imitate the
HOUYHNHNMS."
I should here observe to the reader, that a decree of the
general assembly in this country is expressed by the word HNHLOAYN,
which signifies an exhortation, as near as I can render it; for they have
no conception how a rational creature can be compelled, but only advised, or
exhorted; because no person can disobey reason, without giving up his claim
to be a rational creature.
I was struck with the utmost grief and despair at my master's discourse;
and being unable to support the agonies I was under, I fell into a swoon at
his feet. When I came to myself, he told me "that he concluded I had
been dead;" for these people are subject to no such imbecilities of
nature. I answered in a faint voice, "that death would have been too
great a happiness; that although I could not blame the assembly's
exhortation, or the urgency of his friends; yet, in my weak and corrupt
judgment, I thought it might consist with reason to have been less rigorous;
that I could not swim a league, and probably the nearest land to
theirs might be distant above a hundred: that many materials,
necessary for making a small vessel to carry me off, were wholly wanting
in this country; which, however, I would attempt, in obedience
and gratitude to his honour, although I concluded the thing to
be impossible, and therefore looked on myself as already devoted
to destruction; that the certain prospect of an unnatural death was the
least of my evils; for, supposing I should escape with life by some strange
adventure, how could I think with temper of passing my days among YAHOOS, and
relapsing into my old corruptions, for want of examples to lead and keep me
within the paths of virtue? that I knew too well upon what solid reasons
all the determinations of the wise HOUYHNHNMS were founded, not to
be shaken by arguments of mine, a miserable YAHOO; and therefore, after
presenting him with my humble thanks for the offer of his servants'
assistance in making a vessel, and desiring a reasonable time for so
difficult a work, I told him I would endeavour to preserve a wretched being;
and if ever I returned to England, was not without hopes of being useful to
my own species, by celebrating the praises of the renowned HOUYHNHNMS,
and proposing their virtues to the imitation of mankind."
My master, in a few words, made me a very gracious reply; allowed me the
space of two months to finish my boat; and ordered the sorrel nag, my
fellow-servant (for so, at this distance, I may presume to call him), to
follow my instruction; because I told my master, "that his help would be
sufficient, and I knew he had a tenderness for me."
In his company, my first business was to go to that part of the coast
where my rebellious crew had ordered me to be set on shore. I got upon a
height, and looking on every side into the sea; fancied I saw a small island
toward the north-east. I took out my pocket glass, and could then
clearly distinguish it above five leagues off, as I computed; but it appeared
to the sorrel nag to be only a blue cloud: for as he had no conception
of any country beside his own, so he could not be as expert in
distinguishing remote objects at sea, as we who so much converse in
that element.
After I had discovered this island, I considered no further;
but resolved it should if possible, be the first place of my banishment,
leaving the consequence to fortune.
I returned home, and consulting with the sorrel nag, we went into a
copse at some distance, where I with my knife, and he with a sharp flint,
fastened very artificially after their manner, to a wooden handle, cut down
several oak wattles, about the thickness of a walking-staff, and some larger
pieces. But I shall not trouble the reader with a particular
description of my own mechanics; let it suffice to say, that in six weeks
time with the help of the sorrel nag, who performed the parts that
required most labour, I finished a sort of Indian canoe, but much
larger, covering it with the skins of YAHOOS, well stitched together
with hempen threads of my own making. My sail was likewise
composed of the skins of the same animal; but I made use of the youngest
I could get, the older being too tough and thick; and I likewise provided
myself with four paddles. I laid in a stock of boiled flesh, of rabbits
and fowls, and took with me two vessels, one filled with milk and the other
with water.
I tried my canoe in a large pond, near my master's house, and then
corrected in it what was amiss; stopping all the chinks with YAHOOS' tallow,
till I found it staunch, and able to bear me and my freight; and, when it was
as complete as I could possibly make it, I had it drawn on a carriage very
gently by YAHOOS to the sea-side, under the conduct of the sorrel nag and
another servant.
When all was ready, and the day came for my departure, I took leave of
my master and lady and the whole family, my eyes flowing with tears, and my
heart quite sunk with grief. But his honour, out of curiosity, and,
perhaps, (if I may speak without vanity,) partly out of kindness, was
determined to see me in my canoe, and got several of his neighbouring friends
to accompany him. I was forced to wait above an hour for the tide; and
then observing the wind very fortunately bearing toward the island to which
I intended to steer my course, I took a second leave of my master: but as
I was going to prostrate myself to kiss his hoof, he did me the honour to
raise it gently to my mouth. I am not ignorant how much I have been
censured for mentioning this last particular. Detractors are pleased to
think it improbable, that so illustrious a person should descend to give so
great a mark of distinction to a creature so inferior as I. Neither
have I forgotten how apt some travellers are to boast of
extraordinary favours they have received. But, if these censurers were
better acquainted with the noble and courteous disposition of
the HOUYHNHNMS, they would soon change their opinion.
I paid my respects to the rest of the HOUYHNHNMS in his
honour's company; then getting into my canoe, I pushed off from shore.
CHAPTER XI.
[The author's dangerous voyage. He arrives at New Holland, hoping
to settle there. Is wounded with an arrow by one of the natives. Is
seized and carried by force into a Portuguese ship. The great civilities of
the captain. The author arrives at England.]
I began this desperate voyage on February 15, 1714-15, at
nine o'clock in the morning. The wind was very favourable; however,
I made use at first only of my paddles; but considering I should soon be
weary, and that the wind might chop about, I ventured to set up my little
sail; and thus, with the help of the tide, I went at the rate of a league and
a half an hour, as near as I could guess. My master and his friends
continued on the shore till I was almost out of sight; and I often heard the
sorrel nag (who always loved me) crying out, "HNUY ILLA NYHA, MAJAH YAHOO;"
"Take care of thyself, gentle YAHOO."
My design was, if possible, to discover some small island uninhabited,
yet sufficient, by my labour, to furnish me with the necessaries of life,
which I would have thought a greater happiness, than to be first minister in
the politest court of Europe; so horrible was the idea I conceived of
returning to live in the society, and under the government of YAHOOS.
For in such a solitude as I desired, I could at least enjoy my own
thoughts, and reflect with delight on the virtues of those
inimitable HOUYHNHNMS, without an opportunity of degenerating into the
vices and corruptions of my own species.
The reader may remember what I related, when my crew conspired against
me, and confined me to my cabin; how I continued there several weeks without
knowing what course we took; and when I was put ashore in the long-boat, how
the sailors told me, with oaths, whether true or false, "that they knew not
in what part of the world we were." However, I did then believe us to
be about 10 degrees southward of the Cape of Good Hope, or about 45
degrees southern latitude, as I gathered from some general words
I overheard among them, being I supposed to the south-east in
their intended voyage to Madagascar. And although this were
little better than conjecture, yet I resolved to steer my course eastward,
hoping to reach the south-west coast of New Holland, and perhaps some such
island as I desired lying westward of it. The wind was full west, and by six
in the evening I computed I had gone eastward at least eighteen leagues; when
I spied a very small island about half a league off, which I soon
reached. It was nothing but a rock, with one creek naturally arched by
the force of tempests. Here I put in my canoe, and climbing a part of the
rock, I could plainly discover land to the east, extending from south to
north. I lay all night in my canoe; and repeating my voyage early in the
morning, I arrived in seven hours to the south-east point of New
Holland. This confirmed me in the opinion I have long entertained, that
the maps and charts place this country at least three degrees more to the
east than it really is; which thought I communicated many years ago to
my worthy friend, Mr. Herman Moll, and gave him my reasons for
it, although he has rather chosen to follow other authors.
I saw no inhabitants in the place where I landed, and being unarmed, I
was afraid of venturing far into the country. I found some shellfish on
the shore, and ate them raw, not daring to kindle a fire, for fear of being
discovered by the natives. I continued three days feeding on oysters
and limpets, to save my own provisions; and I fortunately found a brook of
excellent water, which gave me great relief.
On the fourth day, venturing out early a little too far, I saw twenty or
thirty natives upon a height not above five hundred yards from me. They
were stark naked, men, women, and children, round a fire, as I could discover
by the smoke. One of them spied me, and gave notice to the rest; five
of them advanced toward me, leaving the women and children at the fire.
I made what haste I could to the shore, and, getting into my canoe, shoved
off: the savages, observing me retreat, ran after me: and before I
could get far enough into the sea, discharged an arrow which wounded me
deeply on the inside of my left knee: I shall carry the mark to my
grave. I apprehended the arrow might be poisoned, and paddling out of
the reach of their darts (being a calm day), I made a shift to suck the
wound, and dress it as well as I could.
I was at a loss what to do, for I durst not return to the
same landing-place, but stood to the north, and was forced to paddle, for
the wind, though very gentle, was against me, blowing north-west. As I
was looking about for a secure landing-place, I saw a sail to the
north-north-east, which appearing every minute more visible, I was in some
doubt whether I should wait for them or not; but at last my detestation of
the YAHOO race prevailed: and turning my canoe, I sailed and paddled
together to the south, and got into the same creek whence I set out in the
morning, choosing rather to trust myself among these barbarians, than
live with European YAHOOS. I drew up my canoe as close as I could
to the shore, and hid myself behind a stone by the little brook, which, as
I have already said, was excellent water.
The ship came within half a league of this creek, and sent her long boat
with vessels to take in fresh water (for the place, it seems, was very well
known); but I did not observe it, till the boat was almost on shore; and it
was too late to seek another hiding-place. The seamen at their landing
observed my canoe, and rummaging it all over, easily conjectured that the
owner could not be far off. Four of them, well armed, searched every
cranny and lurking-hole, till at last they found me flat on my face behind
the stone. They gazed awhile in admiration at my strange uncouth dress;
my coat made of skins, my wooden-soled shoes, and my furred stockings;
whence, however, they concluded, I was not a native of the place, who all go
naked. One of the seamen, in Portuguese, bid me rise, and asked who I
was. I understood that language very well, and getting upon my feet,
said, "I was a poor YAHOO banished from the HOUYHNHNMS, and desired they
would please to let me depart." They admired to hear me answer them in
their own tongue, and saw by my complexion I must be a European; but were
at a loss to know what I meant by YAHOOS and HOUYHNHNMS; and at the same time
fell a-laughing at my strange tone in speaking, which resembled the neighing
of a horse. I trembled all the while betwixt fear and hatred. I again
desired leave to depart, and was gently moving to my canoe; but they laid
hold of me, desiring to know, "what country I was of? whence I came?" with
many other questions. I told them "I was born in England, whence I
came about five years ago, and then their country and ours were
at peace. I therefore hoped they would not treat me as an
enemy, since I meant them no harm, but was a poor YAHOO seeking
some desolate place where to pass the remainder of his
unfortunate life."
When they began to talk, I thought I never heard or saw any thing more
unnatural; for it appeared to me as monstrous as if a dog or a cow should
speak in England, or a YAHOO in HOUYHNHNMLAND. The honest Portuguese
were equally amazed at my strange dress, and the odd manner of delivering my
words, which, however, they understood very well. They spoke to me with
great humanity, and said, "they were sure the captain would carry me GRATIS
to Lisbon, whence I might return to my own country; that two of the seamen
would go back to the ship, inform the captain of what they had seen, and
receive his orders; in the mean time, unless I would give my solemn oath not
to fly, they would secure me by force. I thought it best to comply with
their proposal. They were very curious to know my story, but I gave
them very little satisfaction, and they all conjectured that my misfortunes
had impaired my reason. In two hours the boat, which went laden
with vessels of water, returned, with the captain's command to fetch me on
board. I fell on my knees to preserve my liberty; but all was in vain;
and the men, having tied me with cords, heaved me into the boat, whence I was
taken into the ship, and thence into the captain's cabin.
His name was Pedro de Mendez; he was a very courteous and generous
person. He entreated me to give some account of myself, and desired to
know what I would eat or drink; said, "I should be used as well as himself;"
and spoke so many obliging things, that I wondered to find such civilities
from a YAHOO. However, I remained silent and sullen; I was ready to
faint at the very smell of him and his men. At last I desired something
to eat out of my own canoe; but he ordered me a chicken, and some
excellent wine, and then directed that I should be put to bed in a
very clean cabin. I would not undress myself, but lay on
the bed-clothes, and in half an hour stole out, when I thought the crew
was at dinner, and getting to the side of the ship, was going to leap into
the sea, and swim for my life, rather than continue among YAHOOS. But
one of the seamen prevented me, and having informed the captain, I was
chained to my cabin.
After dinner, Don Pedro came to me, and desired to know my reason for so
desperate an attempt; assured me, "he only meant to do me all the service he
was able;" and spoke so very movingly, that at last I descended to treat him
like an animal which had some little portion of reason. I gave him a
very short relation of my voyage; of the conspiracy against me by my own men;
of the country where they set me on shore, and of my five years residence
there. All which he looked upon as if it were a dream or a vision;
whereat I took great offence; for I had quite forgot the faculty of lying, so
peculiar to YAHOOS, in all countries where they preside, and, consequently,
their disposition of suspecting truth in others of their own species. I
asked him, "whether it were the custom in his country to say the thing
which was not?" I assured him, "I had almost forgot what he meant
by falsehood, and if I had lived a thousand years in HOUYHNHNMLAND, I
should never have heard a lie from the meanest servant; that I was altogether
indifferent whether he believed me or not; but, however, in return for his
favours, I would give so much allowance to the corruption of his nature, as
to answer any objection he would please to make, and then he might
easily discover the truth."
The captain, a wise man, after many endeavours to catch me tripping in
some part of my story, at last began to have a better opinion of my
veracity. But he added, "that since I professed so inviolable an
attachment to truth, I must give him my word and honour to bear him company
in this voyage, without attempting any thing against my life; or else he
would continue me a prisoner till we arrived at Lisbon." I gave him the
promise he required; but at the same time protested, "that I would suffer the
greatest hardships, rather than return to live among YAHOOS."
Our voyage passed without any considerable accident. In gratitude
to the captain, I sometimes sat with him, at his earnest request, and strove
to conceal my antipathy against human kind, although it often broke out;
which he suffered to pass without observation. But the greatest part of the
day I confined myself to my cabin, to avoid seeing any of the crew. The
captain had often entreated me to strip myself of my savage dress,
and offered to lend me the best suit of clothes he had. This I
would not be prevailed on to accept, abhorring to cover myself with
any thing that had been on the back of a YAHOO. I only desired
he would lend me two clean shirts, which, having been washed since he wore
them, I believed would not so much defile me. These I changed every
second day, and washed them myself.
We arrived at Lisbon, Nov. 5, 1715. At our landing, the
captain forced me to cover myself with his cloak, to prevent the
rabble from crowding about me. I was conveyed to his own house; and
at my earnest request he led me up to the highest room backwards.
I conjured him "to conceal from all persons what I had told him of the
HOUYHNHNMS; because the least hint of such a story would not only draw
numbers of people to see me, but probably put me in danger of being
imprisoned, or burnt by the Inquisition." The captain persuaded me to
accept a suit of clothes newly made; but I would not suffer the tailor to
take my measure; however, Don Pedro being almost of my size, they fitted me
well enough. He accoutred me with other necessaries, all new, which I
aired for twenty-four hours before I would use them.
The captain had no wife, nor above three servants, none of which were
suffered to attend at meals; and his whole deportment was so obliging, added
to very good human understanding, that I really began to tolerate his
company. He gained so far upon me, that I ventured to look out of the
back window. By degrees I was brought into another room, whence I
peeped into the street, but drew my head back in a fright. In a week's
time he seduced me down to the door. I found my terror gradually
lessened, but my hatred and contempt seemed to increase. I was at last
bold enough to walk the street in his company, but kept my nose
well stopped with rue, or sometimes with tobacco.
In ten days, Don Pedro, to whom I had given some account of my domestic
affairs, put it upon me, as a matter of honour and conscience, "that I ought
to return to my native country, and live at home with my wife and
children." He told me, "there was an English ship in the port just
ready to sail, and he would furnish me with all things necessary." It
would be tedious to repeat his arguments, and my contradictions. He
said, "it was altogether impossible to find such a solitary island as I
desired to live in; but I might command in my own house, and pass my
time in a manner as recluse as I pleased."
I complied at last, finding I could not do better. I left
Lisbon the 24th day of November, in an English merchantman, but who
was the master I never inquired. Don Pedro accompanied me to
the ship, and lent me twenty pounds. He took kind leave of me,
and embraced me at parting, which I bore as well as I could.
During this last voyage I had no commerce with the master or any of
his men; but, pretending I was sick, kept close in my cabin. On
the fifth of December, 1715, we cast anchor in the Downs, about nine in
the morning, and at three in the afternoon I got safe to my house at
Rotherhith. (7)
My wife and family received me with great surprise and joy, because they
concluded me certainly dead; but I must freely confess the sight of them
filled me only with hatred, disgust, and contempt; and the more, by
reflecting on the near alliance I had to them. For although, since my
unfortunate exile from the HOUYHNHNM country, I had compelled myself to
tolerate the sight of YAHOOS, and to converse with Don Pedro de Mendez, yet
my memory and imagination were perpetually filled with the virtues and
ideas of those exalted HOUYHNHNMS. And when I began to consider that,
by copulating with one of the YAHOO species I had become a parent of more, it
struck me with the utmost shame, confusion, and horror.
As soon as I entered the house, my wife took me in her arms, and kissed
me; at which, having not been used to the touch of that odious animal for so
many years, I fell into a swoon for almost an hour. At the time I am
writing, it is five years since my last return to England. During the
first year, I could not endure my wife or children in my presence; the very
smell of them was intolerable; much less could I suffer them to eat in the
same room. To this hour they dare not presume to touch my bread, or drink
out of the same cup, neither was I ever able to let one of them take me by
the hand. The first money I laid out was to buy two young stone-horses,
which I keep in a good stable; and next to them, the groom is my greatest
favourite, for I feel my spirits revived by the smell he contracts in the
stable. My horses understand me tolerably well; I converse with them
at least four hours every day. They are strangers to bridle or saddle;
they live in great amity with me and friendship to each other.
CHAPTER XII.
[The author's veracity. His design in publishing this work.
His censure of those travellers who swerve from the truth.
The author clears himself from any sinister ends in writing.
An objection answered. The method of planting colonies. His
native country commended. The right of the crown to those
countries described by the author is justified. The difficulty
of conquering them. The author takes his last leave of the
reader; proposes his manner of living for the future; gives good
advice, and concludes.]
Thus, gentle reader, I have given thee a faithful history of
my travels for sixteen years and above seven months: wherein I
have not been so studious of ornament as of truth. I could,
perhaps, like others, have astonished thee with strange improbable
tales; but I rather chose to relate plain matter of fact, in the simplest
manner and style; because my principal design was to inform, and not to amuse
thee.
It is easy for us who travel into remote countries, which are seldom
visited by Englishmen or other Europeans, to form descriptions of wonderful
animals both at sea and land. Whereas a traveller's chief aim should be
to make men wiser and better, and to improve their minds by the bad, as well
as good, example of what they deliver concerning foreign places.
I could heartily wish a law was enacted, that every traveller, before he
were permitted to publish his voyages, should be obliged to make oath before
the Lord High Chancellor, that all he intended to print was absolutely true
to the best of his knowledge; for then the world would no longer be deceived,
as it usually is, while some writers, to make their works pass the better
upon the public, impose the grossest falsities on the unwary reader. I
have perused several books of travels with great delight in my younger days;
but having since gone over most parts of the globe, and been able to
contradict many fabulous accounts from my own observation, it has given me a
great disgust against this part of reading, and some indignation to see
the credulity of mankind so impudently abused. Therefore, since
my acquaintance were pleased to think my poor endeavours might not be
unacceptable to my country, I imposed on myself, as a maxim never to be
swerved from, that I would strictly adhere to truth; neither indeed can I be
ever under the least temptation to vary from it, while I retain in my mind
the lectures and example of my noble master and the other illustrious
HOUYHNHNMS of whom I had so long the honour to be an humble hearer.
-NEC SI MISERUM FORTUNA SINONEM FINXIT, VANUM ETIAM, MENDACEMQUE IMPROBA
FINGET.
I know very well, how little reputation is to be got by writings which
require neither genius nor learning, nor indeed any other talent, except a
good memory, or an exact journal. I know likewise, that writers of
travels, like dictionary-makers, are sunk into oblivion by the weight and
bulk of those who come last, and therefore lie uppermost. And it is
highly probable, that such travellers, who shall hereafter visit the
countries described in this work of mine, may, by detecting my errors
(if there be any), and adding many new discoveries of their own, justle me
out of vogue, and stand in my place, making the world forget that ever I was
an author. This indeed would be too great a mortification, if I wrote
for fame: but as my sole intention was the public good, I cannot be
altogether disappointed. For who can read of the virtues I have
mentioned in the glorious HOUYHNHNMS, without being ashamed of his own vices,
when he considers himself as the reasoning, governing animal of
his country? I shall say nothing of those remote nations
where YAHOOS preside; among which the least corrupted are
the BROBDINGNAGIANS; whose wise maxims in morality and government it would
be our happiness to observe. But I forbear descanting further, and
rather leave the judicious reader to his own remarks and application.
I am not a little pleased that this work of mine can possibly meet with
no censurers: for what objections can be made against a writer, who
relates only plain facts, that happened in such distant countries, where we
have not the least interest, with respect either to trade or
negotiations? I have carefully avoided every fault with which common
writers of travels are often too justly charged. Besides, I meddle not
the least with any party, but write without passion, prejudice, or
ill-will against any man, or number of men, whatsoever. I write for
the noblest end, to inform and instruct mankind; over whom I may, without
breach of modesty, pretend to some superiority, from the advantages I
received by conversing so long among the most accomplished HOUYHNHNMS.
I write without any view to profit or praise. I never suffer a word to
pass that may look like reflection, or possibly give the least offence, even
to those who are most ready to take it. So that I hope I may with
justice pronounce myself an author perfectly blameless; against whom
the tribes of Answerers, Considerers, Observers, Reflectors, Detectors,
Remarkers, will never be able to find matter for exercising their
talents.
I confess, it was whispered to me, "that I was bound in duty, as a
subject of England, to have given in a memorial to a secretary of state at my
first coming over; because, whatever lands are discovered by a subject belong
to the crown." But I doubt whether our conquests in the countries I
treat of would be as easy as those of Ferdinando Cortez over the naked
Americans. The LILLIPUTIANS, I think, are hardly worth the charge of a
fleet and army to reduce them; and I question whether it might be
prudent or safe to attempt the BROBDINGNAGIANS; or whether an English army
would be much at their ease with the Flying Island over their heads.
The HOUYHNHNMS indeed appear not to be so well prepared for war, a science to
which they are perfect strangers, and especially against missive
weapons. However, supposing myself to be a minister of state, I could
never give my advice for invading them. Their prudence, unanimity,
unacquaintedness with fear, and their love of their country, would amply
supply all defects in the military art. Imagine twenty thousand of
them breaking into the midst of an European army, confounding the ranks,
overturning the carriages, battering the warriors' faces into mummy by
terrible yerks from their hinder hoofs; for they would well deserve the
character given to Augustus, RECALCITRAT UNDIQUE TUTUS. But, instead of
proposals for conquering that magnanimous nation, I rather wish they were in
a capacity, or disposition, to send a sufficient number of their inhabitants
for civilizing Europe, by teaching us the first principles of
honour, justice, truth, temperance, public spirit, fortitude,
chastity, friendship, benevolence, and fidelity. The names of all
which virtues are still retained among us in most languages, and are to be
met with in modern, as well as ancient authors; which I am able to assert
from my own small reading.
But I had another reason, which made me less forward to enlarge his
majesty's dominions by my discoveries. To say the truth, I had
conceived a few scruples with relation to the distributive justice of princes
upon those occasions. For instance, a crew of pirates are driven by a
storm they know not whither; at length a boy discovers land from the topmast;
they go on shore to rob and plunder, they see a harmless people, are
entertained with kindness; they give the country a new name; they take
formal possession of it for their king; they set up a rotten plank, or
a stone, for a memorial; they murder two or three dozen of the natives,
bring away a couple more, by force, for a sample; return home, and get their
pardon. Here commences a new dominion acquired with a title by divine
right. Ships are sent with the first opportunity; the natives driven
out or destroyed; their princes tortured to discover their gold; a free
license given to all acts of inhumanity and lust, the earth reeking with the
blood of its inhabitants: and this execrable crew of
butchers, employed in so pious an expedition, is a modern colony, sent
to convert and civilize an idolatrous and barbarous people!
But this description, I confess, does by no means affect the British
nation, who may be an example to the whole world for their wisdom, care, and
justice in planting colonies; their liberal endowments for the advancement of
religion and learning; their choice of devout and able pastors to
propagate Christianity; their caution in stocking their provinces
with people of sober lives and conversations from this the mother kingdom;
their strict regard to the distribution of justice, in supplying the civil
administration through all their colonies with officers of the greatest
abilities, utter strangers to corruption; and, to crown all, by sending the
most vigilant and virtuous governors, who have no other views than the
happiness of the people over whom they preside, and the honour of the
king their master.
But as those countries which I have described do not appear to have any
desire of being conquered and enslaved, murdered or driven out by colonies,
nor abound either in gold, silver, sugar, or tobacco, I did humbly conceive,
they were by no means proper objects of our zeal, our valour, or our
interest. However, if those whom it more concerns think fit to be of
another opinion, I am ready to depose, when I shall be lawfully called, that
no European did ever visit those countries before me. I mean, if the
inhabitants ought to be believed, unless a dispute may arise concerning the
two YAHOOS, said to have been seen many years ago upon a mountain in
HOUYHNHNMLAND.
But, as to the formality of taking possession in my sovereign's name, it
never came once into my thoughts; and if it had, yet, as my affairs then
stood, I should perhaps, in point of prudence and self-preservation, have put
it off to a better opportunity.
Having thus answered the only objection that can ever be raised against
me as a traveller, I here take a final leave of all my courteous readers, and
return to enjoy my own speculations in my little garden at Redriff; to apply
those excellent lessons of virtue which I learned among the HOUYHNHNMS; to
instruct the YAHOOS of my own family, is far as I shall find them
docible animals; to behold my figure often in a glass, and thus,
if possible, habituate myself by time to tolerate the sight of a human
creature; to lament the brutality to HOUYHNHNMS in my own country, but always
treat their persons with respect, for the sake of my noble master, his
family, his friends, and the whole HOUYHNHNM race, whom these of ours have
the honour to resemble in all their lineaments, however their intellectuals
came to degenerate.
I began last week to permit my wife to sit at dinner with me, at the
farthest end of a long table; and to answer (but with the utmost brevity) the
few questions I asked her. Yet, the smell of a YAHOO continuing very
offensive, I always keep my nose well stopped with rue, lavender, or tobacco
leaves. And, although it be hard for a man late in life to remove old
habits, I am not altogether out of hopes, in some time, to suffer a
neighbour YAHOO in my company, without the apprehensions I am yet under
of his teeth or his claws.
My reconcilement to the YAHOO kind in general might not be so difficult,
if they would be content with those vices and follies only which nature has
entitled them to. I am not in the least provoked at the sight of a
lawyer, a pickpocket, a colonel, a fool, a lord, a gamester, a politician, a
whoremonger, a physician, an evidence, a suborner, an attorney, a traitor,
or the like; this is all according to the due course of things:
but when I behold a lump of deformity and diseases, both in body and mind,
smitten with pride, it immediately breaks all the measures of my patience;
neither shall I be ever able to comprehend how such an animal, and such a
vice, could tally together. The wise and virtuous HOUYHNHNMS, who
abound in all excellences that can adorn a rational creature, have no name
for this vice in their language, which has no terms to express any thing that
is evil, except those whereby they describe the detestable qualities
of their YAHOOS, among which they were not able to distinguish this of
pride, for want of thoroughly understanding human nature, as it shows itself
in other countries where that animal presides. But I, who had more
experience, could plainly observe some rudiments of it among the wild
YAHOOS.
But the HOUYHNHNMS, who live under the government of reason, are no more
proud of the good qualities they possess, than I should be for not wanting a
leg or an arm; which no man in his wits would boast of, although he must be
miserable without them. I dwell the longer upon this subject from the
desire I have to make the society of an English YAHOO by any means not
insupportable; and therefore I here entreat those who have any tincture of
this absurd vice, that they will not presume to come in my sight.
Footnotes:
(1) A stang is a pole or perch; sixteen feet and a half.
(2) An act of parliament has been since passed by which some breaches of
trust have been made capital.
(3) Britannia. -SIR W. SCOTT.
(4) London. -SIR W. SCOTT.
(5) This is the revised text adopted by Dr. Hawksworth (1766). The
above paragraph in the original editions (1726) takes another form,
commencing:-"I told him that should I happen to live in a kingdom where lots
were in vogue," &c. The names Tribnia and Langdon an not mentioned,
and the "close stool" and its signification do not occur.
(6) This paragraph is not in the original editions.
(7) The original editions and Hawksworth's have Rotherhith here, though
earlier in the work, Redriff is said to have been Gulliver's home in
England.